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THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY
OF SALAMINIUS HERMIAS SOZOMENUS
BOOK II
CHAP. I. -- THE DISCOVERY OF THE LIFE-BRINGING CROSS AND OF THE HOLY NAILS.
WHEN the
business at Nicaea had been transacted as above related, the priests returned
home. The emperor
rejoiced exceedingly at the restoration of unity
of opinion in the Catholic Church, and desirous of expressing in behalf of
himself, his children, and the empire, the gratitude towards God which the
unanimity of the bishops inspired, he directed that a house of prayer should
be erected to God at Jerusalem (1) near the place called Calvary. At the same
time his mother Helena repaired to the city for the purpose of offering up
prayer, and of visiting the sacred places. Her zeal for Christianity made her
anxious to find the wood which had formed the adorable cross. But it was no
easy matter to discover either this relic or the Lord's sepulchre; for the
Pagans, who in former times had persecuted the Church, (2) and who, at the
first promulgation of Christianity, had had recourse to every artifice to exterminate
it, had concealed that spot under much heaped up earth, and elevated what before
was quite depressed, as it looks now, and the more effectually to conceal them,
had enclosed the entire place of the resurrection and Mount Calvary within
a wall, and had, moreover, ornamented the whole locality, and paved it with
stone. They also erected a temple to Aphrodite, and set up a little image,
so that those who repaired thither to worship Christ would appear to bow the
knee to Aphrodite, and that thus the true cause of offering worship in that
place would, in course of time, be forgotten; and that as Christians would
not dare fearlessly to frequent the place or to point it out to others, the
temple and statue would come to be regarded as exclusively appertaining to
the Pagans. At length, however, the place was discovered, and the fraud about
it so zealously maintained was detected; some say that the facts were first
disclosed by a Hebrew who dwelt in the East, and who derived his information
from some documents which had come to him by paternal inheritance; but it seems
more accordant with truth to suppose that God revealed the fact by means of
signs and dreams; for I do not think that human information is requisite when
God thinks it best to make manifest the same. When by command of the emperor
the place was excavated deeply, the cave whence our Lord arose from the dead
was discovered; and at no great distance, three crosses were found and another
separate piece of wood, on which were inscribed in white letters in Hebrew,
in Greek, and in Latin, the following words: "Jesus of Nazareth, the king
of the Jews." These words, as the sacred book of the gospels relates,
were placed by command of Pilate, governor of Judaea, over the head of Christ.
There yet, however, remained a difficulty in distinguishing the Divine cross
from the others; for the inscription had been wrenched from it and thrown aside,
and the cross itself had been cast aside with the others, without any distinction,
when the bodies of the crucified were taken down. For according to history,
the soldiers found Jesus dead upon the cross, and they took him down, and gave
him up to be buried; while, in order to accelerate the death of the two thieves,
who were crucified on either hand, they broke their legs, and then took down
the crosses, and flung them out of the way. It was no concern of theirs to
deposit the crosses in their first order; for it was growing late, and as the
men were dead, they did not think it worth while to remain to attend to the
crosses. A more Divine information than could be furnished by man was therefore
necessary in order to distinguish the Divine cross from the others, and this
revelation was given in the following manner: There was a certain lady of rank
in Jerusalem who was afflicted with a most grievous and incurable disease;
Macarius, bishop of Jerusalem, accompanied by the mother of the emperor and
her attendants, repaired to her bedside. After engaging in prayer, Macarius
signified by signs to the spectators that the Divine cross would be the one
which, on being brought in contact with the invalid, should remove the disease.
He approached her in turn with each of the crosses; but when two of the crosses
were laid on her, it seemed but folly and mockery to her for she was at the
gates of death. When, however, the third cross was in like manner brought to
her, she suddenly opened her eyes, regained her strength, and immediately sprang
from her bed, well. It is said that a dead person was, in the same way, restored
to life. The venerated wool having been thus identified, the greater portion
of it was deposited in a silver case, in which it is still preserved in Jerusalem:
but the empress sent part of it to her son Constantine, together with the nails
by which the body of Christ had been fastened. Of these, it is related, the
emperor had a head-piece and bit made for his horse, according to the prophecy
of Zechariah, who referred to this period when he said, "that which shall
be upon the bit of the horse shall be holy to the Lord Almighty.'' (1) These
things, indeed, were formerly known to the sacred prophets, and predicted by
them, and at length, when it seemed to God that they should be manifested,
were confirmed by wonderful works. Nor does this appear so marvelous when it
is remembered that, even among the Pagans, it was confessed that the Sibyl
had predicted that thus it should be, -- "Oh most blessed tree, on which
our Lord was hung." (2) Our most zealous adversaries cannot deny the truth
of this fact, and it is hence evident that a pre-manifestation was made of
the wood of the cross, and of the adoration (<greek>sebad</greek>)
it received.
The above incidents we have related precisely as they were delivered to us
by men of great accuracy, by whom the information was derived by succession
from father to son; and others have recorded the same events in writing for
the benefit of posterity.
CHAP. II. -- CONCERNING HELENA, THE MOTHER OF THE EMPEROR; SHE VISITED JERUSALEM,
BUILT TEMPLES IN THAT CITY, AND PERFORMED OTHER GODLY WORKS; HER DEATH.
ABOUT this period, the emperor, having determined upon erecting a temple in
honor of God, charged the governors to see that the work was executed in the
most magnificent and costly manner possible. His mother Helena also erected
two temples, (3) the one at Bethlehem near the cave where Christ was born,
the other on ridges of the Mount of Olives, whence He was taken up to heaven.
Many other acts show her piety and religiousness, among which the following
is not the least remarkable: During her residence at Jerusalem, it is related
that she assembled the sacred virgins at a feast, ministered to them at supper,
presented them with food, poured water on their hands, and performed other
similar services customary to those who wait upon guests. When she visited
the cities of the East, she bestowed befitting gifts on the churches in every
town, enriched those individuals who had been deprived of their possessions,
supplied ungrudgingly the necessities of the poor, and restored to liberty
those who had been long imprisoned, or condemned to exile or the mines. It
seems to me that so many holy actions demanded a recompense; and indeed, even
in this life, she was raised to the summit of magnificence and splendor; she
was proclaimed Augusta; her image was stamped on golden coins, and she was
invested by her son with authority over the imperial treasury to give it according
to her judgment. Her death, too, was glorious; for when, at the age of eighty,
she quitted this life, she left her son and her descendants (like her of the
race of Caesar), masters of the Roman world. And if there be any advantage
in such fame -- forgetfulness did not conceal her though she was dead -- the
coming age has the pledge of her perpetual memory; for two cities are named
after her, the one in Bithynia, and the other in Palestine. (4) Such is the
history of Helena.
CHAP. III. -- TEMPLES BUILT BY CONSTANTINE THE GREAT; THE CITY CALLED BY HIS
NAME; ITS FOUNDING; THE BUILDINGS WITHIN IT; THE TEMPLE OF MICHAEL THE ARCHSOLDIER,
IN THE SOSTHENIUM, AND THE MIRACLES WHICH HAVE OCCURRED THERE.
THE emperor, (5) always intent on the advancement of religion, erected the
most beautiful temples to God in every place, particularly in metropolises,
such as Nicomedia in Bithynia, Antioch on the river Orontes, and Byzantium.
He greatly improved this latter city, and constituted it the equal of Rome
in power, and participation in the government; for, when he had settled the
affairs of the empire according to his own mind, and had rectified foreign
affairs by wars and treaties, he resolved upon founding a city which should
be called by his own name, and should be equal in celebrity to Rome. With this
intention, he repaired to a plain at the foot of Troy, near the Hellespont,
above the tomb of Ajax, where, it is said, the Achaians had their naval stations
and tents while besieging Troy; and here he laid the plan of a large and beautiful
city, and built the gates on an elevated spot of ground, whence they are still
visible from the sea to those sailing by. But when he had advanced thus far,
God appeared to him by night, and commanded him to seek another spot. Led by
the hand of God, he arrived at Byzantium in Thrace, beyond Chalcedon in Bithynia,
and here he was desired to build his city and to render it worthy of the name
of Constantine. In obedience to the words of God, he therefore enlarged the
city formerly called Byzantium, and surrounded it with high walls. He also
erected magnificent dwelling houses southward through the regions. Since he
was aware that the former population was insufficient for so great a city,
he peopled it with men of rank and their households, whom he summoned hither
from the eider Rome and from other countries. He imposed taxes to cover the
expenses of building and adorning the city, and of supplying its inhabitants
with food, and providing the city with all the other requisites. He adorned
it sumptuously with a hippodrome, fountains, porticos, and other structures.
He named it New Rome and Constantinople, and constituted it the imperial capital
for all the inhabitants of the North, the South, the East, and the shores of
the Mediterranean, from the cities on the Ister and from Epidamnus and the
Ionian gulf, to Cyrene and that part of Libya called Borium.
He constructed
another council house which they call senate; he ordered the same honors
and festal
days
as those customary to the other Romans, and he
did not fail studiously to make the city which bore his name equal in every
respect to that of Rome in Italy; nor were his wishes thwarted; for by the
assistance of God, it had to be confessed as great in population and wealth.
I know of no cause to account for this extraordinary aggrandizement, unless
it be the piety of the builder and of the inhabitants, and their compassion
and liberality towards the poor. The zeal they manifested for the Christian
faith was so great that many of the Jewish inhabitants and most of the Greeks
were converted. As this city became the capital of the empire during the period
of religious prosperity, it was not polluted by altars, Grecian temples, nor
sacrifices; and although Julian authorized the introduction of idolatry for
a short space of time, it soon afterwards became extinct. Constantine further
honored this newly compacted city of Christ, named after himself, by adorning
it with numerous and magnificent houses of prayer. And the Deity also co-operated
with the spirit of the emperor, and by Divine manifestations persuaded men
that these prayer houses in the city were holy and salvatory. According to
the general opinion of foreigners and citizens, the most remarkable church
was that built in a place formerly called Hestiae. This place, which is now
called Michaelium, lies to the fight of those who sail from Pontus to Constantinople,
and is about thirty-five stadia distant from the latter city by water, but
if you make the circuit of the bay, the journey between them is seventy stadia
and upwards. This place obtained the name which now prevails, because it is
believed that Michael, the Divine archangel, once appeared there. And I also
affirm that this is true, because I myself received the greatest benefits,
and the experience of really helpful deeds on the part of many others proves
this to be so. For some who had fallen into fearful reverses or unavoidable
dangers, others with disease and unknown sufferings, there prayed to God, and
met with a change in their misfortunes. I should be prolix were I to give details
of circumstance and person. But I cannot omit mentioning the case of Aquilinus,
who is even at the present time residing with us, and who is an advocate in
the same court of justice as that to which we belong. (1) I shall relate what
I heard from him concerning this occurrence and what I saw. Being attacked
with a severe fever, arising from a yellowish bile, the physicians gave him
some foreign drug to drink. This he vomited, and, by the effort of vomiting,
diffused the bile, which tinged his countenance with a yellow color. Hence
he had to vomit all his food and drink. For a long time he remained in this
state; and since his nourishment would not be quiet in him, the skill of the
physicians was at a loss for the suffering. Finding that he was already half
dead, he commanded his servant to carry him to the house of prayer; for he
affirmed earnestly that there he would either die or be freed from his disease.
While he was lying there, a Divine Power appeared to him by night, and commanded
him to dip his foot in a confection made of honey, wine, and pepper. The man
did so, and was freed from his complaint, although the prescription was contrary
to the professional rules of the physicians, a confection of so very hot a
nature being considered adverse to a bilious disorder. I have also heard that
Probianus, one of the physicians of the palace, who was suffering greatly from
a disease in the feet, likewise met with deliverance from sickness at this
place, and was accounted worthy of being visited with a wonderful and Divine
vision. He had formerly been attached to the Pagan superstitions, but afterwards
became a Christian; yet, while he admitted in one way or another the probability
of the rest of our doctrines, he could not understand how, by the Divine cross,
the salvation of all is effected. While his mind was in doubt on this subject,
the symbol of the cross, which lay on the altar of this church, was pointed
out to him in the Divine vision, and he heard a voice openly declaring that,
as Christ had been crucified on the cross, the necessities of the human race
or of individuals, whatsoever they might be, could not be met by the ministration
of Divine angels or of pious and good men; for that there was no power to rectify
apart from the venerated cross. I have only recorded a few of the incidents
which I know to have taken place in this temple, because there is not time
to recount them all.
CHAP. IV. -- WHAT CONSTANTINE THE GREAT EFFECTED ABOUT THE OAK IN MAMRE; HE
ALSO BUILT A TEMPLE.
I CONSIDER it necessary to detail the proceedings of Constantine in relation
to what is called the oak of Mature. (1) This place is now called Terebinthus,
and is about fifteen stadia distant from Hebron, which lies to the south, but
is two hundred and fifty stadia distant from Jerusalem. It is recorded that
here the Son of God appeared to Abraham, with two angels, who had been sent
against Sodom, and foretold the birth of his son. Here the inhabitants of the
country and of the regions round Palestine the Phoenicians, and the Arabians,
assemble annually during the summer season to keep a brilliant feast; and many
others, both buyers and sellers, resort thither on account of the fair. Indeed,
this feast is diligently frequented by all nations: by the Jews, because they
boast of their descent from the patriarch Abraham; by the Pagans, because angels
there appeared to men; and by Christians, because He who for the salvation
of mankind was born of a virgin, afterwards manifested Himself there to a godly
man. This place was moreover honored fit-tingly with religious exercises. Here
some prayed to the God of all; some called upon the angels, poured out wine,
burnt incense, or offered an ox, or he-goat, a sheep, or a cock. Each one made
some beautiful product of his labor, and after carefully husbanding it through
the entire year, he offered it according to promise as provision for that feast,
both for himself and his dependents. And either from honor to the place, or
from fear of Divine wrath, they all abstained from coming near their wives,
although during the feast these were more than ordinarily studious of their
beauty and adornment. Nor, if they chanced to appear and to take part in the
public processions, did they act at all licentiously. Nor did they behave imprudently
in any other respect, although the tents were contiguous to each other, and
they all lay promiscuously together. The place is open country, and arable,
and without houses, with the exception of the buildings around Abraham's old
oak and the well he prepared. No one during the time of the feast drew water
from that well; for according to Pagan usage, some placed burning lamps near
it; some poured out wine, or cast in cakes; and others, coins, myrrh, or incense.
Hence, as I suppose, the water was rendered useless by commixture with the
things cast into it. Once whilst these customs were being celebrated by the
Pagans, after the aforesaid manner, and as was the established usage with hilarity,
the mother-in-law (2) of Constantine was present for prayer, and apprised the
emperor of what was being done. On receiving this information, he rebuked the
bishops of Palestine in no measured terms, because they had neglected their
duty, and had permitted a holy place to be defiled by impure libations and
sacrifices; and he expressed his godly censure in an epistle which he wrote
on the subject to Macarius, bishop of Jerusalem, to Eusebius Pamphilus, and
to the bishops of Palestine. He commanded these bishops to hold a conference
on this subject with the Phoenician bishops, and issue directions for the demolition,
from the foundations, of the altar formerly erected there, the destruction
of the carved images by fire, and the erection of a church worthy of so ancient
and so holy a place. The emperor finally enjoined, that no libations or sacrifices
should be offered on the spot, but that it should be exclusively devoted to
the worship of God according to the law of the Church; and that if any attempt
should be made to restore the former rites, the bishops were to inform against
the delinquent, in order that he might be subjected to the greatest punishment.
The governors and priests of Christ strictly enforced the injunctions contained
in the emperor's letter.
CHAP. V. -- CONSTANTINE DESTROYED THE PLACES DEDICATED TO THE IDOLS, AND PERSUADED
THE PEOPLE TO PREFER CHRISTIANITY.
AS many
nations and cities throughout the whole realm of his subjects retained a
feeling of fear and
veneration
towards their vain idols, which led them to
disregard the doctrines of the Christians, and to have a care for their ancient
customs, and the manners and feasts of their fathers, it appeared necessary
to the emperor to teach the governors to suppress their superstitious rites
of worship. He thought that this would be easily accomplished if he could get
them to despise their temples and the images contained therein. (1) To carry
this project into execution he did not require military aid; for Christian
men belonging to the palace went from city to city bearing imperial letters.
The people were induced to remain passive from the fear that, if they resisted
these edicts, they, their children, and their wives, would be exposed to evil.
The vergers and the priests, being unsupported by the multitude, brought out
their most precious treasures, and the idols called <greek>dipeth</greek>,
(2) and through these servitors, the gifts were drawn forth from the shrines
and the hidden recesses in the temples. The spots previously inaccessible,
and known only to the priests, were made accessible to all who desired to enter.
Such of the images as were constructed of precious material, and whatever else
was valuable, were purified by fire, and became public property. The brazen
images which were skillfully wrought were carried to the city, named after
the emperor, and placed there as objects of embellishment, where they may still
be seen in public places, as in the streets, the hippodrome, and the palaces.
Amongst them was the statue of Apollo which was in the seat of the oracle of
the Pythoness, and likewise the statues of the Muses from Helicon, the tripods
from Delphos, and the much extolled Pan, which Pausanias the Lacedaemonian
and the Grecian cities had devoted, -- after the war against the Medes.
As to the temples, some were stripped of their doors, others of their roofs,
and others were neglected, allowed to fall into ruin, or destroyed. The temple
of AEsculapius in AEgis, a city of Cilicia, and that of Venus at Aphaca, near
Mount Lebanon and the River Adonis, were then undermined and entirely destroyed.
Both of these temples were most highly honored and reverenced by the ancients;
as the AEgeatae were wont to say, that those among them who were weakened in
body were delivered from diseases because the demon manifested himself by night,
and healed them. And at Aphaca, it was believed that on a certain prayer being
uttered on a given day, a fire like a star descended from the top of Lebanon
and sunk into the neighboring river; they affirmed that this was Urania, for
they call Aphrodite by this name. The efforts of the emperor succeeded to the
utmost of his anticipations; for on beholding the objects of their former reverence
and fear boldly cast down and stuffed with straw and hay, the people were led
to despise what they had previously venerated, and to blame the erroneous opinion
of their ancestors. Others, envious at the honor in which Christians were held
by the emperor, deemed it necessary to imitate the acts of the ruler; others
devoted themselves to an examination of Christianity, and by means of signs,
of dreams, or of conferences with bishops and monks, were convinced that it
was better to become Christians. From this period, nations and citizens spontaneously
renounced their former opinion. At that time a port of Gaza, called Majuma,
wherein superstition and ancient ceremonies had been hitherto admired, turned
unitedly with all its inhabitants to Christianity. The emperor, in order to
reward their piety, deemed them worthy of the greatest honor, and distinguished
the place as a city, a status it had not previously enjoyed, and named it Constantia:
thus honoring the spot on account of its piety, by bestowing on it the name
of the dearest of his children. On the same account, also, Constantine in Phoenicia
is known to have received its name from the emperor. But it would not be convenient
to record every instance of this kind, for many other cities about this time
went over to religion, and spontaneously, without any command of the emperor,
destroyed the adjacent temples and statues, and erected houses of prayer.
CHAP. VI. -- THE REASON WHY UNDER CONSTANTINE, THE NAME OF CHRIST WAS SPREAD
THROUGHOUT THE WHOLE WORLD.
THE church having been in this manner spread throughout the whole Roman world,
religion was introduced even among the barbarians themselves. (3) The tribes
on both sides of the Rhine were Christianized, as likewise the Celts and the
Gauls who dwelt upon the most distant shores of the ocean; the Goths, too,
and such tribes as were contiguous to them, who formerly dwelt on either of
the high shores of the Danube, had long shared in the Christian faith, and
had changed into a gentler and more rational observance. Almost all the barbarians
had professed to hold the Christian doctrine in honor, from the time of the
wars between the Romans and foreign tribes, under the government of Gallienus
and the emperors who succeeded him. For when an unspeakable multitude of mixed
nations passed over from Thrace into Asia and overran it, and when other barbarians
from the various regions did the same things to the adjacent Romans, many priests
of Christ who had been taken captive, dwelt among these tribes; and during
their residence among them, healed the sick, and cleansed those who were possessed
of demons, by the name of Christ only, and by calling on the Son of God; moreover
they led (1) a blameless life, and excited envy by their virtues. The barbarians,
amazed at the conduct and wonderful works of these men, thought that it would
be prudent on their part, and pleasing to the Deity, if they should imitate
those whom they saw were better; and, like them, would render homage to God.
When teachers as to what should be done, had been proposed to them, the people
were taught and baptized, and subsequently were gathered into churches.
CHAP. VII. -- HOW THE IBERIANS RECEIVED THE FAITH OF CHRIST.
IT is
said that during this reign the Iberians, (2) a large and warlike barbarian
nation, confessed
Christ.
(3) They dwelt to the north beyond Armenia. A Christian
woman, who had been taken captive, induced them to renounce the religion of
their fathers. She was very faithful and godly, and did not, amongst foreigners,
remit her accustomed routine of religious duty. To fast, to pray night and
day, and to praise God, constituted her delight. The barbarians inquired as
to the motives of her endurance: she simply answered, that it was necessary
in this way to worship the Son of God; but the name of Him who was to be worshiped,
and the man-her of worshiping, appeared strange to them. It happened that a
boy of the country was taken ill, and his mother, according to the custom of
the Iberians, took him around from house to house, in hope that some one might
be found capable of curing the disease, and the change from the suffering might
be easy for the afflicted. As no one capable of healing him could be found,
the boy was brought to the captive, and she said, "as to medicines, I
have neither experience nor knowledge, nor am I acquainted with the mode of
applying ointments or plasters; but, O woman, I believe that Christ whom I
worship, the true and great God, will become the Saviour of thy child." Then
she prayed for him immediately and freed him from the disease, although just
before it was believed that he was about to die. A little while after, the
wife of the governor of the nation was, by an incurable disease, brought nigh
unto death; yet she too was saved in the same manner. And thus did this captive
teach the knowledge of Christ, by introducing Him as the dispenser of health,
and as the Lord of life, of empire, and of all things. The governor's wife,
convinced by her own personal experience, believed the words of the captive,
embraced the Christian religion, and held the woman in much honor. The king,
astonished at the celerity of the cure, and the miraculousness and healing
of faith, learned the cause from his wife, and commanded that the captive should
be rewarded with gifts. "Of gifts," said the queen, "her estimate
is very low, whatever may be their value; she makes much of the service she
renders to her God only. Therefore if we wish to gratify her, or desire to
do what is safe and right, let us also worship God, who is mighty and a Saviour,
and who, at His will, gives continuance unto kings, casts down the high, renders
the illustrious abject, and saves those in terrible straits." The queen
continued to argue in this excellent manner, but the sovereign of Iberia remained
in doubt and unconvinced, as he reflected on the novelty of the matters, and
also respected the religion of his fathers. A little while after, he went into
the woods with his attendants, on a hunting excursion; all of a sudden thick
clouds arose, and a heavy air was everywhere diffused by them, so as to conceal
the heavens and the sun; profound night and great darkness pervaded the wood.
Since each of the hunters was alarmed for his own safety, they scattered in
different directions. The king, while thus wandering alone, thought of Christ,
as men are wont to do in times of danger. He determined that if he should be
delivered from his present emergency, he would walk before God and worship
Him. At the very instant that these thoughts were upon his mind, the darkness
was dissipated, the air became serene, the rays of the sun penetrated into
the wood, and the king went out in safety. He informed his wife of the event
that had befallen him, sent for the captive, and commanded her to teach him
in what way he ought to worship Christ. When she had given as much instruction
as it was right for a woman to say and do, he called together his subjects
and declared to them plainly the Divine mercies which had been vouchsafed to
himself and to his wife, and although uninitiated, he declared to his people
the doctrines of Christ. The whole nation was persuaded to embrace Christianity,
the men being convinced by the representations of the king, and the women by
those of the queen and the captive. And speedily with the general consent of
the entire nation, they prepared most zealously to build a church. When the
external walls were completed, machines were brought to raise up the columns,
and fix them upon their pedestals. It is related, that when the first and second
columns had been righted by these means, great difficulty was found in fixing
the third column, neither art nor physical strength being of any avail, although
many were present to assist in the pulling. When evening came on, the female
captive remained alone on the spot, and she continued there throughout the
night, interceding with God that the erection of the columns might be easily
accomplished, especially as all the rest had taken their departure distressed
at the failure; for the column was only half raised, and remained standing,
and one end of it was so embedded in its foundations that it was impossible
to move it downward. It was God's will that by this, as well as by the preceding
miracle, the Iberians should be still further confirmed about the Deity. Early
in the morning, when they were present at the church, they beheld a wonderful
spectacle, which seemed to them as a dream. The column, which on the day before
had been immovable, now appeared erect, and elevated a small space above its
proper base. All present were struck with admiration, and confessed, with one
consent, that Christ alone is the true God. Whilst they were all looking on,
the column slipped quietly and spontaneously, and was adjusted as by machinery
on its base. The other columns were then erected with ease, and the Iberians
completed the structure with greater alacrity. The church having been thus
speedily built, the Iberians, at the recommendation of the captive, sent ambassadors
to the Emperor Constantine, bearing proposals for alliance and treaties, and
requesting that priests might be sent to their nation. On their arrival, the
ambassadors related the events that had occurred, and how the whole nation
with much care worshiped Christ. The emperor of the Romans was delighted with
the embassy, and after acceding to every request that was proffered, dismissed
the ambassadors. Thus did the Iberians receive the knowledge of Christ, and
until this day they worship him carefully.
CHAP. VIII. -- HOW THE ARMENIANS AND PERSIANS EMBRACED CHRISTIANITY.
SUBSEQUENTLY the Christian religion became known to the neighboring tribes
and was very greatly disseminated. (1) The Armenians, I have understood, were
the first to embrace Christianity. (2) It is said that Tiridates, then the
sovereign of that nation, became a Christian by means of a marvelous Divine
sign which was wrought in his own house; and that he issued commands to all
the subjects, by a herald, to adopt the same religion. (3) I think that the
beginning of the conversion of the Persians (4) was owing to their intercourse
with the Osroenians and Armenians; for it is likely that they would converse
with such Divine men and make experience of their virtue.
CHAP. IX. -- SAPOR KING OF PERSIA IS EXCITED AGAINST THE CHRISTIANS. SYMEON,
BISHOP OF PERSIA, AND USTHAZANES, AEUNUCH, SUFFER THE AGONY OF MARTYRDOM.
WHEN,
in course of time, the Christians increased in number, and began to form
churches, and appointed
priests and
deacons, the Magi, who as a priestly
tribe had from the beginning in successive generations acted as the guardians
of the Persian religion, became deeply incensed against them. (5) The Jews,
who through envy are in some way naturally opposed to the Christian religion,
were likewise offended. They therefore brought accusations before Sapor, the
reigning sovereign, against Symeon, who was then archbishop of Seleucia and
Ctesiphon, royal cities of Persia, and charged him with being a friend of the
Caesar of the Romans, and with communicating the affairs of the Persians to
him. Sapor believed these accusations, and at first, ground the Christians
with excessive taxes, although he knew that the generality of them had voluntarily
embraced poverty. He entrusted the exaction to cruel men, hoping that, by the
want of necessaries, and the atrocity of the ex-actors, they might be compelled
to abjure their religion; for this was his aim. Afterwards, however, be commanded
that the priests and conductors of the worship of God should be slain with
the sword. The churches were demolished, their vessels were deposited in the
treasury, and Symeon was arrested as a traitor to the kingdom and the religion
of the Persians. Thus the Magi, with the co-operation of the Jews, quickly
destroyed the houses of prayer. Symeon, on his apprehension, was bound with
chains, and brought before the king. There the man evinced his excellence and
courage; for when Sapor commanded that he should be led away to the torture,
he did not fear, and would not prostrate himself. The king, greatly exasperated,
demanded why he did not prostrate himself as he had done formerly. Symeon replied, "Formerly
I was not led away bound in order that I might abjure the truth of God, and
therefore I did not then object to pay the customary respect to royalty; but
now it would not be proper for me to do so; for I stand here in defense of
godliness and of our opinion." When he ceased speaking, the king commanded
him to worship the sun, promising, as an inducement, to bestow gifts upon him,
and to hold him in honor; but on the other hand, threatening, in case of non-compliance,
to visit him and the whole body of Christians with destruction. When the king
found that he neither frightened him by menaces, nor caused him to relax by
promises, and that Symeon remained firm and refused to worship the sun, or
to betray his religion, he commanded him to be put in bonds for a while, probably
imagining that he would change his mind.
When Symeon
was being conducted to prison, Usthazanes, an aged eunuch, the foster-father
of Sapor
and superintendent
of the palace, who happened to be
sitting at the gates of the palace, arose to do him reverence. Symeon reproachfully
forbade him in a loud and haughty voice, averted his countenance, and passed
by; for the eunuch had been formerly a Christian, but had recently yielded
to authority, and had worshiped the sun. This conduct so affected the eunuch
that he wept aloud, laid aside the white garment with which he was robed, and
clothed himself, as a mourner, in black. He then seated himself in front of
the palace, crying and groaning, and saying, "Woe is me! What must not
await me since I have denied God; and on this account Symeon, formerly my familiar
friend, does not think me worthy of being spoken to, but turns away and hastens
from me." When Sapor heard of what had occurred, he called the eunuch
to him, and inquired into the cause of his grief, and asked him whether any
calamity had befallen his family. Usthazanes replied and said, "O king,
nothing has occurred to my family; but I would rather have suffered any other
affliction whatsoever than that which has befallen me, and it would have been
easy to bear. Now I mourn because I am alive, and ought to have been dead long
ago; yet I still see the sun which, not voluntarily, but to please thee, I
professed to worship. Therefore, on both accounts, it is just that I should
die, for I have been a betrayer of Christ, and a deceiver of thee." He
then swore by the Maker of heaven and earth, that he would never swerve from
his convictions. Sapor, astonished at the wonderful conversion of the eunuch,
was still more enraged against the Christians, as if they had effected it by
enchantments. Still, he spared the old man, and strove with all his strength,
by alternate gentleness and harshness, to bring him over to his own sentiments.
But finding that his efforts were useless, and that Usthazanes persisted in
declaring that he would never be so foolish as to worship the creature instead
of the creator, he became inflamed with passion, and commanded that the eunuch's
head should be struck off with a sword. When the executioners came forward
to perform their office, Usthazanes requested them to wait a little, that he
might communicate something to the king. He then called one of the most faithful
eunuchs, and bade him say to Sapor, "From my youth until now I have been
well affected, O king, to your house, and have ministered with fitting diligence
to your father and yourself. I need no witnesses to corroborate my statements;
these facts are well established. For all the matters wherein at divers times
I have gladly served you, grant me this reward; let it not be imagined by those
who are ignorant of the circumstances, that I have incurred this punishment
by acts of unfaithfulness against the kingdom, or by the commission of any
other crime; but let it be published and proclaimed abroad by a herald, that
Usthazanes loses his head for no knavery that he has ever committed in the
palaces, but for being a Christian, and for refusing to obey the king in denying
his own God." The eunuch delivered this message, and Sapor, according
to the request of Usthazanes, commanded a herald to make the desired proclamation;
for the king imagined that others would be easily deterred from embracing Christianity,
by reflecting that he who sacrificed his aged foster-father and esteemed household
servant, would assuredly spare no other Christian. Usthazanes, however, believed
that as by his timidity in consenting to worship the sun, he had caused many
Christians to fear, so now, by the diligent proclamation of the cause of his
sufferings, many might be edified by learning that he died for the sake of
religion, and so became imitators of his fortitude.
CHAP. X. -- CHRISTIANS SLAIN BY SAPOR IN PERSIA.
IN this manner the honorable life of Usthazanes was terminated, and when the
intelligence was brought to Symeon in the prison, he offered thanksgiving to
God on his account. The following day, which happened to be the sixth day of
the week, and likewise the day on which, as immediately preceding the festival
of the resurrection, the annual memorial of the passion of the Saviour is celebrated,
the king issued orders for the decapitation of Symeon; for he had again been
conducted to the palace from the prison, had reasoned most nobly with Sapor
on points of doctrine, and had expressed a determination never to worship either
the king or the sun. On the same day a hundred other prisoners were ordered
to be slain. Symeon beheld their execution, and last of all he was put to death.
Amongst these victims were bishops, presbyters, and other clergy of different
grades. As they were being led out to execution, the chief of the Magi approached
them, and asked them whether they would preserve their lives by conforming
to the religion of the king and by worshiping the sun. As none of them would
comply with this condition, they were conducted to the place of execution,
and the executioners applied themselves to the task of slaying these martyrs.
Symeon, standing by those who were to be slain, exhorted them to constancy,
and reasoned concerning death, and the resurrection, and piety, and showed
them from the sacred Scriptures that a death like theirs is true life; whereas
to live, and through fear to deny God, is as truly death. He told them, too,
that even if no one were to slay them, death would inevitably overtake them;
for our death is a natural consequence of our birth. The things after those
of this life are perpetual, and do not happen alike to all men; but as if measured
by some rule, they must give an accurate account of the course of life here.
Each one who did well, will receive immortal rewards and will escape the punishments
of those who did the opposite. He likewise told them that the greatest and
happiest of all good actions is to die for the cause of God. While Symeon was
pursuing such themes, and like a household attendant, was exhorting them about
the manner in which they were to go into the conflicts, each one listened and
spiritedly went to the slaughter. After the executioner had despatched a hundred,
Symeon himself was slain; and Abedechalaas and Anannias, two aged presbyters
of his own church, who had been his fellow-prisoners, suffered with him. (1)
CHAP. XI. -- PUSICES, SUPERINTENDENT OF THE ARTISANS OF SAPOR.
PUSICES,
the superintendent of the king's artisans, was present at the execution;
perceiving that Anannias
trembled as the necessary preparations for his death
were being made, he said to him, "O old man, close your eyes for a little
while and be of good courage, for you will soon behold the light of Christ." No
sooner had he uttered these words than he was arrested and conducted before
the king; and as he frankly avowed himself a Christian, and spoke with great
freedom to the king concerning his opinion and the martyrs, he was condemned
to an extraordinary and most cruel death, because it was not lawful to address
the king with such boldness. The executioners pierced the muscles of his neck
in such a manner as to extract his tongue. On the charge of some persons, his
daughter, who had devoted herself to a life of holy virginity, was arraigned
and executed at the same time. The following year, on the day on which the
passion of Christ was commemorated, and when preparations were being made for
the celebration of the festival commemorative of his resurrection from the
dead, Sapor issued a most cruel edict throughout Persia, condemning to death
all those who should confess themselves to be Christians. It is hid that a
greater number of Christians suffered by the sword; for the Magi sought diligently
in the cities and villages for those who had concealed themselves; and many
voluntarily surrendered themselves, lest they should appear, by their silence,
to deny Christ. Of the Christians who were thus un-sparingly sacrificed, many
who were attached to the palace were slain, and amongst these was Azades, (2)
a eunuch, who was especially beloved by the king. On hearing of his death,
Sapor was overwhelmed with grief, and put a stop to the general slaughter of
the Christians; and he directed that the teachers of religion should alone
be slain.
CHAP. XII. -- TARBULA, THE SISTER OF SYMEON, AND HER MARTYRDOM.
ABOUT the same period, the queen was attacked with a disease, and Tarbula,
the sister of Symeon the bishop, a holy virgin, was arrested with her servant,
who shared in the same mode of life, as likewise a sister of Tarbula, who,
after the death of her husband, abjured marriage, and led a similar career.
The cause of their arrest was the charge of the Jews, who reported that they
had injured the queen by their enchantments, on account of their rage at the
death of Symeon. As invalids easily give credit to the most repulsive representations,
the queen believed the charge, and especially because it emanated from the
Jews, since she had embraced their sentiments, and lived in the observance
of the Jewish rites, for she had great confidence in their veracity and in
their attachment to herself. The Magi having seized Tarbula and her companions,
condemned them to death; and after having sawn them asunder, they fastened
them up to poles and made the queen pass through the midst of the poles as
a medium for turning away the disease. It is said that this Tarbula was beautiful
and very stately in form, and that one of the Magi, having become deeply enamored
with her, secretly sent a proposal for intercourse, and promised as a reward
to save her and her companions if she would consent. But she would give no
ear to his licentiousness, and treated the Magi with scorn, and rebuked his
lust. She would rather prefer courageously to die than to betray her virginity.
As it was ordained by the edict of Sapor, which we mentioned above, that the
Christians should not be slaughtered indiscriminately, but that the priests
and teachers of the opinions should be slain, the Magi and Arch-Magi traversed
the whole country of Persia, studiously maltreating the bishops and presbyters.
They sought them especially in the country of Adiabene, a part of the Persian
dominions, because it was wholly Christianized.
CHAP. XIII. -- MARTYRDOM OF ST. ACEPSIMAS AND OF HIS COMPANIONS.
ABOUT this period they arrested Acepsimas the bishop, and many of his clergy.
After having taken counsel together, they satisfied themselves with the hunt
after the leader only; they dismissed the rest after they had taken away their
property. James, however, who was one of the presbyters, voluntarily followed
Acepsimas, obtained permission from the Magi to share his prison, and spiritedly
ministered to the old man, lightened his misfortunes as far as he was able,
and dressed his wounds; for not long after his apprehension, the Magi had injuriously
tortured him with raw thongs in forcing him to worship the sun; and on his
refusal to do so had retained him again in bonds. Two presbyters named Aithalas
and James, and two deacons, by name Azadanes and Abdiesus, after being scourged
most injuriously by the Magi, were compelled to live in prison, on account
of their opinions. After a long time had elapsed, the great Arch-Magi communicated
to the king the facts about them to be punished; and having received permission
to deal with them as he pleased, unless they would consent to worship the sun,
he made known this decision of Sapor's to the prisoners. They replied openly,
that they would never betray the cause of Christ nor worship the sun; he tortured
them unsparingly. Acepsimas persevered in the manly confession of his faith,
till death put an end to his torments. Certain Armenians, whom the Persians
retained as hostages, secretly carried away his body and buried it. The other
prisoners, although not less scourged, lived as by a miracle, and as they would
not change their judgment, were again put in bonds. Among these was Aithalas,
who was stretched out while thus beaten, and his arms were torn out of his
shoulders by the very great wrench; and he carried his hands about as dead
and swinging loosely, so that others had to convey food to his mouth. Under
this rule, an innumerable multitude of presbyters, deacons, monks, holy virgins,
and others who served the churches and were set apart for its dogma, terminated
their lives by martyrdom. The following are the names of the bishops, so far
as I have been able to ascertain: Barbasymes, Paulus, Gaddiabes, Sabinus, Mareas,
Mocius, John, Hormisdas, Papas, James, Romas, Maares, Agas, Bochres, Abdas,
Abdiesus, John, Abramins, Agdelas, Sapores, Isaac, and Dausas. The latter had
been made prisoner by the Persians, and brought from a place named Zabdaeus.
(1) He died about this time in defense of the dogma; and Mareabdes, a chorepiscopus,
and about two hundred and fifty of his clergy, who had also been captured by
the Persians, suffered with him.
CHAP. XIV. -- THE MARTYRDOM OF BISHOP MILLES AND HIS CONDUCT. SIXTEEN THOUSAND
DISTINGUISHED MEN IN PERSIA SUFFER MARTYRDOM UNDER SAPOR, BESIDES OBSCURE INDIVIDUALS.
ABOUT this period Milles suffered martyrdom. He originally served the Persians
in a military capacity, but afterwards abandoned that vocation, in order to
embrace the apostolical mode of life. It is related that he was ordained bishop
over a Persian city, and he underwent a variety of sufferings, and endured
wounds and drawings; and that, failing in his efforts to convert the inhabitants
to Christianity, he uttered imprecations against the city, and departed. Not
long after, some of the principal citizens offended the king, and an army with
three hundred elephants was sent against them; the city was utterly demolished
and its land was ploughed and sown. Milles, taking with him only his wallet,
in which was the holy Book of the Gospels, repaired to Jerusalem in prayer;
thence he proceeded to Egypt in order to see the monks. The extraordinary and
admirable works which we have heard that he accomplished, are attested by the
Syrians, who have written an account of his actions and life. For my own part,
I think that I have said enough of him and of the other martyrs who suffered
in Persia during the reign of Sapor; for it would be difficult to relate in
detail every circumstance respecting them, such as their names, their country,
the mode of completing their martyrdom, and the species of torture to which
they were subjected; for they are innumerable, since such methods are jealously
affected by the Persians, even to the extreme of cruelty. I shall briefly state
that the number of men and women whose names have been ascertained, and who
were martyred at this period, have been computed to be sixteen thousand; while
the multitude outside of these is beyond enumeration, and on this account to
reckon off their names appeared difficult to the Persians and Syrians and to
the inhabitants of Edessa, who have devoted much care to this matter.
CHAP. XV. -- CONSTANTINE WRITES TO SAPOR TO STAY THE PERSECUTION OF THE CHRISTIANS.
CONSTANTINE
the Roman emperor was angry, and bore it ill when he heard of the sufferings
to which
the Christians
were exposed in Persia. He desired most
anxiously to render them assistance, yet knew not in what way to effect this
object. About this time some ambassadors from the Persian king arrived at his
court, and after granting their requests and dismissing them, he thought it
would be a favorable opportunity to address Sapor in behalf of the Christians
in Persia, and wrote to him, (1) confessing that it would be a very great and
forever indescribable favor, if he would be humane to those who admired the
teaching of the Christians under him. "There is nothing in their religion," said
he, "of a reprehensible nature; by bloodless prayers alone do they offer
supplication to God, for he delighteth not in the outpouring of blood, but
taketh pleasure only in a pure soul devoted to virtue and to religion; so that
they who believe these things are worthy of commendation." The emperor
then assured Sapor that God would be propitious to him if he treated the Christians
with lenity, and adduced the example of Valerian and of himself in proof thereof.
He had himself, by faith in Christ, and by the aid of Divine inclination, come
forth from the shores of the Western ocean, and reduced to obedience the whole
of the Roman world, and had terminated many wars against foreigners and usurpers;
and yet had never had recourse to sacrifices or divinations, but had for victory
used only the symbol of the Cross at the head of his own armies, and prayer
pure from blood and defilement. The reign of Valerian was prosperous so long
as he refrained from persecuting the Church; but he afterwards commenced a
persecution against the Christians, and was delivered by Divine vengeance into
the hands of the Persians, who took him prisoner and put him to a cruel death."
It was in this strain that Constantine wrote to Sapor, urging him to be well-disposed
to this religion; for the emperor extended his watchful care over all the Christians
of every region, whether Roman or foreign.
CHAP. XVI. -- EUSEBIUS AND THEOGNIS WHO AT THE COUNCIL OF NICE HAD ASSENTED
TO THE WRITINGS OF ARIUS RESTORED TO THEIR OWN SEES.
NOT long
after the council of Nice, Arius was recalled from exile; but the prohibition
to enter Alexandria
was
unrevoked. It shall be related in the proper
place how he strove to obtain permission to return to Egypt. Not long after,
Eusebius, bishop of Nicomedia, and Theognis, bishop of Nicaea, regained possession
of their churches after expelling Amphion and Chrestos who had been ordained
in their stead. (2) They owed their restoration to a document which they had
presented to the bishops, containing a retractation: "Although we have
been condemned without a trial by your piety, we deemed it right to remain
silent concerning the judgment passed by your piety. But as it would be absurd
to remain longer silent, when silence is regarded as a proof of the truth of
the calumniators, we now declare to you that we too agree in this faith, and
after a diligent examination of the thought in the word 'consubstantial,' we
are wholly intent upon preserving peace, and that we never pursued any heresy.
Having proposed for the safety of the churches such argument (3) as occurred
to us, and having been fully convinced, and fully convincing those who ought
to have been persuaded by us, we undersigned the creed; but we did not subscribe
to the anathema, not because we impugned the creed, but because we did not
believe the accused to be what he was represented to us; the letters we had
received from him, and the arguments he had delivered in our presence, fully
satisfying us that he was not such an one. Would that the holy Synod were convinced
that we are not bent on opposing, but are accordant with the points accurately
defined by you, and by this document, we do attest our assent thereto: and
this is not because we are wearied of exile, but because we wish to avert all
suspicion of heresy; for if you will condescend to admit us now into your presence,
you will find us in all points of the same sentiments as yourselves, and obedient
to your decisions, and then it shall seem good to your piety to be merciful
to him who was accused on these points and to have him recalled. If the party
amenable to justice has been recalled and has defended himself from the charge
made, it would be absurd, were we by our silence to confirm the reports that
calumny had spread against us. We beseech you then, as befits your piety, dear
to Christ, that you memorialize our emperor, most beloved of God, and that
you hand over our petition, and that you counsel quickly, what is agreeable
to you concerning us." It was by these means that Eusebius and Theognis,
after their change of sentiment, were reinstated in their churches.
CHAP. XVII. -- ON THE DEATH OF ALEXANDER, BISHOP OF ALEXANDRIA, AT HIS SUGGESTION,
ATHANASIUS RECEIVES THE THRONE; AND AN ACCOUNT OF HIS YOUTH; HOW HE WAS A SELF-TAUGHT
PRIEST, AND BELOVED BY ANTONY THE GREAT.
ABOUT
this period (1) Alexander, bishop of Alexandria, when about to depart this
life, left Athanasius
as
his successor, in accordance, I am convinced,
with the Divine will directing the vote upon him. It is said that Athanasius
at first sought to avoid the honor by flight, but that he, although unwilling,
was afterwards constrained by Alexander to accept the bishopric. This is testified
by Apolinarius, the Syrian, (2) in the following terms: "In all these
matters much disturbance was excited by impiety, but its first effects were
felt by the blessed teacher of this man, who was at hand as an assistant, and
behaved as a son would to his father. Afterwards this holy man himself underwent
the same experience, for when appointed to the episcopal succession he fled
to escape the honor; but he was discovered in his place of concealment by the
help of God, who had forecast by Divine manifestations to his blessed predecessor,
that the succession was to devolve upon him. For when Alexander was on the
point of death, he called upon Athanasius, who was then absent. One who bore
the same name, and who happened to be present, on hearing him call this way,
answered him; but to him Alexander was silent, since he was not summoning this
man. Again he called, and as it often happens, the one present kept still,
and so the absent one was disclosed. Moreover, the blessed Alexander prophetically
exclaimed, 'O Athanasius, thou thinkest to escape, but thou wilt not escape';
meaning that Athanasius would be called to the conflict." Such is the
account given by Apolinarius respecting Athanasius.
The Arians assert that after the death of Alexander, the respective followers
of that bishop and of Melitius held communion together, and fifty-four bishops
from Thebes, and other parts of Egypt, assembled together, and agreed by oath
to choose by a common vote, the man who could advantageously administer the
Church of Alexandria; but that seven a of the bishops, in violation of their
oath, and contrary to the opinion of all, secretly ordained Athanasius; and
that on this account many of the people and of the Egyptian clergy seceded
from communion with him. For my part, I am convinced that it was by Divine
appointment that Athanasius succeeded to the high-priesthood; for he was eloquent
and intelligent, and capable of opposing plots, and of such a man the times
had the greatest need. He displayed great aptitude in the exercise of the ecclesiastical
functions and fitness for the priesthood, and was, so to speak, from his earliest
years, self-taught. It is said that the following incident occurred to him
in his youth. (4) It was the custom of the Alexandrians to celebrate with great
pomp an annual festival in honor of one of their bishops named Peter, who had
suffered martyrdom. Alexander, who then conducted the church, engaged in the
celebration of this festival, and after having completed the worship, he remained
on the spot, awaiting the arrival of some guests whom he expected to breakfast.
In the meantime he chanced to cast his eyes towards the sea, and perceived
some children playing on the shore, and amusing themselves by imitating the
bishop and the ceremonies of the Church. At first he considered the mimicry
as innocent, and took pleasure in witnessing it; but when they touched upon
the unutterable, he was troubled, and communicated the matter to the chief
of the clergy. The children were called together and questioned as to the game
at which they were playing, and as to what they did and said when engaged in
this amusement. At first they through fear denied; but when Alexander threatened
them with torture, they confessed that Athanasius was their bishop and leader,
and that many children who had not been initiated had been baptized by him.
Alexander carefully inquired what the priest of their play was in the habit
of saying or doing, and what they answered or were taught. On finding that
the exact routine of the Church had been accurately observed by them, he consulted
the priests around him on the subject, and decided that it would he unnecessary
to rebaptize those who, in their simplicity, had been judged worthy of the
Divine grace. He therefore merely performed for them such offices as it is
lawful only for those who are consecrated to initiating the mysteries. He then
took Athanasius and the other children, who had playfully acted as presbyters
and deacons, to their own relations under God as a witness that they might
be brought up for the Church, and for leadership in what they had imitated.
Not long after, he took Athanasius as his table companion and secretary. He
had been well educated, was versed in grammar and rhetoric, and already when
he came to man's estate, and before he attained the bishopric, he gave proof
to those conversing with him of his being a man of wisdom and intellectuality.
But when, (1) on the death of Alexander, the succession devolved upon him,
his reputation was greatly increased, and was sustained by his own private
virtues and by the testimony of the monk, Antony the Great. This monk repaired
to him when he requested his presence, visited the cities, accompanied him
to the churches, and agreed with him in opinion concerning the Godhead. He
evinced unlimited friendship towards him, and avoided the society of his enemies
and opponents.
CHAP.
XVIII. -- THE ARIANS AND MELITIANS CONFER CELEBRITY ON ATHANASIUS; CONCERNING
EUSEBIUS, AND HIS
REQUEST
OF ATHANASIUS TO ADMIT ARIUS TO COMMUNION; CONCERNING
THE TERM "CONSUBSTANTIAL"; EUSEBIUS PAMPHILUS AND EUSTATHIUS, BISHOP
OF ANTIOCH, CREATE TUMULTS ABOVE ALL THE REST.
THE reputation of Athanasius was, however, especially increased by the Arians
and Melitians; (2) although always plotting, they never appeared rightly to
catch and make him a prisoner. In the first place, Eusebius wrote to urge him
to receive the Arians into communion, and threatened, without writing it, to
ill-treat him should he refuse to do so. But as Athanasius would not yield
to his representation, but maintained that those who had devised a heresy in
innovating upon the truth, and who had been condemned by the council of Nice,
ought not to be received into the Church, Eusebius contrived to interest the
emperor in favor of Arius, and so procured his return. I shall state a little
further on how all these events came to pass. (3)
At this
period, the bishops had another tumultuous dispute among themselves, concerning
the precise meaning
of the term "consubstantial." (4)
Some thought that this term could not be admitted without blasphemy; that it
implied the non-existence of the Son of God; and that it involved the error
of Montanus and Sabellius. Those, on the other hand, who defended the term,
regarded their opponents as Greeks (or pagans), and considered that their sentiments
led to polytheism. Eusebius, surnamed Pamphilus, and Eustathius, bishop of
Antioch, took the lead in this dispute. They both confessed the Son of God
to exist hypostatically, and yet they contended together as if they had misunderstood
each other. Eustathius accused Eusebius of altering the doctrines ratified
by the council of Nicaea, while the latter declared that he ap-proved of all
the Nicaean doctrines, and reproached Eustathius for cleaving to the heresy
of Sabellius.
CHAP. XIX. -- SYNOD OF ANTIOCH; UNJUST DEPOSITION OF EUSTATHIUS; EUPHRONIUS
RECEIVES THE THRONE; CONSTANTINE THE GREAT WRITES TO THE SYNOD AND TO EUSEBIUS
PAMPHILUS, WHO REFUSES THE BISHOPRIC OF ANTIOCH.
A SYNOD having been convened at Antioch, Eustathius was deprived of the church
of that city. (5) It was most generally believed that he was deposed merely
on account of his adherence to the faith of the council of Nicaea, and on account
of his having accused Eusebius, Paulinus, bishop of Tyre, and Patrophilus,
bishop of Scythopolis (whose sentiments were adopted by the Eastern priests),
of favoring the heresy of Arius. The pretext resorted to for his deposition,
however, was, that he had defiled the priesthood by unholy deeds. His deposition
excited so great a sedition at Antioch, that the people were on the point of
taking up arms, and the whole city was in a state of commotion. This greatly
injured him in the opinion of the emperor; for when he understood what had
happened, and that the people of that church were divided into two parties,
he was much enraged, and regarded him with suspicion as the author of the tumult.
The emperor, however, sent an illustrious officer of his palace, invested with
full authority, to calm the populace, and put an end to the disturbance, without
having recourse to violence or injury.
Those who had deposed Eustathius, and who on this account were assembled in
Antioch, imagining that their sentiments would be universally received, if
they could succeed in placing over the Church of Antioch one of their own opinion,
who was known to the emperor, and held in repute for learning and eloquence,
and that they could obtain the obedience of the rest, fixed their thoughts
upon Eusebius Pamphilus for that see. They wrote to the emperor upon this subject,
and stated that this course would be highly acceptable to the people. He had,
in fact, been sought by all the clergy and laity who were inimical to Eustathius.
Eusebius, however, wrote to the emperor refusing the dignity. The emperor approved
of his refusal with praise; for there was an ecclesiastical law prohibiting
the removal of a bishop from one bishopric to another. He wrote to the people
and to Eusebius, adopting his judgment and calling him happy, because he was
worthy to hold the bishopric not only of one single city, but of the world.
The emperor also wrote to the people of the Church of Antioch concerning like-mindedness,
and told them that they ought not to desire the bishops of other regions, even
as they ought not to covet the possessions of others. In addition to these,
he despatched another epistle to the Synod, in private session, and similarly
commended Eusebius as in the letter to him for having refused the bishopric;
and being convinced that Euphronius, a presbyter of Cappadocia, and George
of Arethusa were men approved in creed, he commanded the bishops to decide
for one or other of them, or for whomsoever might appear worthy of the honor,
and to ordain a president for the Church of Antioch. On the receipt of these
letters from the emperor, Euphronius was ordained; and I have heard that Eustathius
bore this unjust calumny calmly, judging it to be better, as he was a man who,
besides his virtues and excellent qualities, was justly admired on account
of his fine eloquence, as is evidenced by his transmitted works, which are
highly approved for their choice of words, flavor of expression, temperateness
of sentiments, elegance and grace of narration.
CHAP. XX.--CONCERNING MAXIMUS, WHO SUCCEEDED MACARIUS IN THE SEE OF JERUSALEM.
ABOUT this time Mark, (1) who had succeeded Silvester, and who had held the
episcopal sway during a short period, died, and Julius was raised to the see
of Rome. Maximus succeeded Macarius in the bishopric of Jerusalem. (2) It is
said that Macarius had ordained him bishop over the church of Diospolis, but
that the members of the church of Jerusalem insisted upon his remaining among
them. For since he was a confessor, and otherwise excellent, he was secretly
chosen beforehand in the approbation of the people for their bishopric, after
that Macarius should die. The dread of offending the people and exciting an
insurrection led to the election of another bishop over Diospolis, and Maximus
remained in Jerusalem, and exercised the priestly functions conjointly with
Macarius; and after the death of this latter, he governed that church. It is,
however, well known to those who are accurately acquainted with these circumstances,
that Macarius concurred with the people in their desire to retain Maximus;
for it is said that he regretted the ordination of Maximus, and thought that
he ought necessarily to have been reserved for his own succession on account
of his holding right views concerning God and his confession, which had so
endeared him to the people. He likewise feared that, at his death, the adherents
of Eusebius and Patrophilus, who had embraced Arianism, would take that opportunity
to place one of their own views in his see; for even while Macarius was living,
they had attempted to introduce some innovations, but since they were to be
separated from him, they on this account kept quiet.
CHAP. XXI.--THE MELITIANS AND THE ARIANS AGREE IN SENTIMENT; EUSEBIUS AND
THEOGNIS ENDEAVOR TO INFLAME ANEW THE DISEASE OF ARIUS.
IN the
meantime the contention which had been stirred in the beginning among the
Egyptians, could not be
quelled. (3) The Arian heresy had been positively
condemned by the council of Nice, while the followers of Melitius had been
admitted into communion under the stipulations above stated. When Alexander
returned to Egypt, Melitius delivered up to him the churches whose government
he had unlawfully usurped, and returned to Lycus. Not long after, finding his
end approaching, he nominated John, one of his most intimate friends, as his
successor, contrary to the decree of the Nicaean Council, and thus fresh cause
of discord in the churches was produced. When the Arians perceived that the
Melitians were introducing innovations, they also harassed the churches. For,
as frequently occurs in similar disturbances, some applauded the opinion of
Arius, while others contended that those who had been ordained by Melitius
ought to govern the churches. These two bodies of sectarians had hitherto been
opposed to each other, but on perceiving that the priests of the Catholic Church
were followed by the multitude, they became jealous and formed an alliance
together, and manifested a common enmity to the clergy of Alexandria. Their
measures of attack and defense were so long carried on in concert, that in
process of time the Melitians were generally called Arians in Egypt, although
they only dissent on questions of the presidency of the churches, while the
Arians hold the same opinions concerning God as Arius. Although they individually
denied one another's tenets, yet they dissimulated in contradiction of their
own view, in order to attain an underhanded agreement in the fellowship of
their enmity; at the same time each one expected to prevail easily in what
he desired. From this period, however, the Melitians after the discussion on
those topics, received the Arian doctrines, and held the same opinion as Arius
concerning God. This revived the original controversy concerning Arius, and
some of the laity and clergy seceded from communion with the others. The dispute
concerning the doctrines of Arius was rekindled once more in other cities,
and particularly in Bithynia and Hellespontus, and in the city of Constantinople.
In short, it is said that Eusebius, bishop of Nicomedia, and Theognis, bishop
of Nicaea, bribed the notary to whom the emperor had intrusted the custody
of the documents of the Nicaean Council, effaced their signatures, and attempted
openly to teach that the Son is not to be considered consubstantial with the
Father. Eusebius was accused of these irregularities before the emperor, and
he replied with great boldness as he showed part of his clothing. "If
this robe," said he, "had been cut asunder in my presence, I could
not affirm the fragments to be all of the same substance." The emperor
was much grieved at these disputes, for he had believed that questions of this
nature had been finally decided by the council of Nicaea, but contrary to his
hopes he saw them again agitated. He more especially regretted that Eusebius
and Theognis had received certain Alexandrians into communion, (1) although
the Synod had recommended them to repent on account of their heterodox opinions,
and although he had himself condemned them to banishment from their native
land, as being the exciters of sedition. (2) It is asserted by some, that it
was for the above reasons that the emperor in anger exiled Eusebius and Theognis;
but as I have already stated, I have derived my information from those who
are intimately acquainted with these matters.
CHAP. XXII.--THE VAIN MACHINATIONS OF THE ARIANS AND MELITIANS AGAINST ST.
ATHANASIUS.
THE various
calamities which befell Athanasius were primarily occasioned by Eusebius
and Theognis.
(3) As they
possessed great freedom of speech and influence
with the emperor, they strove for the recall of Arius, with whom they were
on terms of concord and friendship, to Alexandria, and at the same time the
expulsion from the Church of him who was opposed to them. They accused him
before Constantine of being the author of all the seditions and troubles that
agitated the Church, and of excluding those who were desirous of joining the
Church; and alleged that unanimity would be restored were he alone to be removed.
The accusations against him were substantiated by many bishops and clergy who
were with John, and who sedulously obtained access to the emperor; they pretended
to great orthodoxy, and imputed to Athanasius and the bishops of his party
all the bloodshed, bonds, unjust blows, wounds, and conflagrations of churches.
But when Athanasius demonstrated to the emperor the illegality of the ordination
of John's adherents, their innovations of the decrees of the Nicaean Council,
and the unsoundness of their faith, and the insults offered to those who held
right opinions about God, Constantine was at a loss to know whom to believe.
Since there were such mutual allegations, and many accusations were frequently
stirred up by each party, and since he was earnestly anxious to restore the
like-mindedness of the people, he wrote to Athanasius that no one should be
shut out. If this should be betrayed to the last, he would send regardless
of consequences, one who should expel him from the city of Alexandria. If any
one should desire to see this letter of the emperor's, he will here find the
portion of it relating to this affair: "As you are now acquainted with
my will, which is, that to all who desire to enter the Church you should offer
an unhindered entrance. For should I hear that any who are willing to join
the Church, have been debarred or hindered therefrom by you, I shall send at
once an officer who shall remove you, according to my command, and shall transfer
you to some other place." Athanasius, however, wrote to the emperor and
convinced him that the Arians ought not to be received into communion by the
Catholic Church; and Eusebius perceiving that his schemes could never be carried
into execution while Athanasius strove in opposition, determined to resort
to any means in order to get rid of him. But as he could not find a sufficient
pretext for effecting this design, he promised the Melitians to interest the
emperor and those in power in their favor, if they would bring an accusation
against Athanasius. Accordingly, came the first indictment that he had imposed
upon the Egyptians a tax on linen tunics, and that such a tribute had been
exacted from the accusers. Apis (1) and Macarius, presbyters of the Church
of Athanasius, who then happened to be at court, clearly proved the persistent
accusation to be false. On being summoned to answer for the offense, Athanasius
was further accused of having conspired against the emperor, and of having
sent, for this purpose, a casket of gold to one Philumen. The emperor detected
the calumny of his accusers, sent Athanasius home, and wrote to the people
of Alexandria to testify that their bishop possessed great moderation and a
correct faith; that he had gladly met him, and recognized him to be a man of
God; and that, as envy had been the sole cause of his indictment, he had appeared
to better advantage than his accusers; and having heard that the Arian and
Melitian sectarians had excited dissensions in Egypt, the emperor, in the same
epistle, exhorted the multitude to look to God, to take heed unto his judgments,
to be well disposed toward one another, to prosecute with all their might those
who plotted against their like-mindedness; thus the emperor wrote to the people,
exhorting them all to like-mindedness, and striving to prevent divisions in
the Church.
CHAP. XXIII.--CALUMNY RESPECTING ST. ATHANASIUS AND THE HAND OF ARSENIUS.
THE Melitians, on the failure of their first attempt, secretly concocted other
indictments against Athanasius. (2) On the one hand they charged him with breaking
a sacred chalice, and on the other with having slain one Arsenius, and with
having cut off his arm and retained it for magical purposes. It is said that
this Arsenius was one of the clergy, (3) but that, having committed some crime,
he fled to a place of concealment for fear of being convicted and punished
by his bishop. The enemies of Athanasius devised the most serious attack for
this occurrence. They sought Arsenius with great diligence, and found him;
they showed him great kindness, promised, to secure for him every goodwill
and safety, and conducted him secretly to Patrines, (4) a presbyter of a monastery,
who was one of their confederates, and of the same interest as themselves.
After having thus carefully concealed him, they diligently spread the report
in the market-places and public assemblies that he had been slain by Athanasius.
They also bribed John, a monk, to corroborate the accusation. As this evil
report was universally circulated, and had even reached the ears of the emperor,
Athanasius, being apprehensive that it would be difficult to defend his cause
before judges whose minds were prejudiced by such false rumors, resorted to
stratagems akin to those of his adversaries. He did everything in his power
to prevent truth from being obscured by their attacks; but the multitude could
not be convinced, on account of the non-appearance of Arsenius. Reflecting,
therefore, that the suspicion which rested upon him could not be removed except
by proving that Arsenius, who was said to be dead, was still alive, he sent
a most trustworthy deacon in quest of him. The deacon went to Thebes, and ascertained
from the declaration of some monks where he was living. And when he came to
Patrines, with whom he had been concealed, he found that Arsenius was not there;
for on the first intelligence of the arrival of the deacon he had been conveyed
to Lower Egypt. The deacon arrested Patrines, and conducted him to Alexandria,
as also Elias, one of his associates, who was said to have been the person
who conveyed Arsenius elsewhere. He delivered them both to the commander of
the Egyptian forces, and they confessed that Arsenius was still alive, that
he had been secretly concealed in their house, and that he was now living in
Egypt. Athanasius took care that all these facts should be reported to Constantine.
The emperor wrote back to him, desiring him to attend to the due performance
of the priestly functions, and the maintenance of order and piety among the
people, and not to be disquieted by the machinations of the Melitians, it being
evident that envy alone was the cause of the false indictments which were circulated
against him and the disturbance in the churches. The emperor added that, for
the future, he should not give place to such reports; and that, unless the
calumniators preserved the peace, he should certainly subject them to the rigor
of the state laws, add let justice have its course, as they had not only unjustly
plotted against the innocent, but had also shamefully abused the good order
and piety of the Church. Such was the strain of the emperor's letter to Athanasius;
and he further commanded that it should be read aloud before the public, in
order that they might all be made acquainted with his intentions. The Melitians
were alarmed at these menaces, and became more quiet for a while, because they
viewed with anxiety the threat of the ruler. The churches throughout Egypt
enjoyed profound peace, and, directed by the presidency of this great priest,
it daily increased in numbers by the conversion of multitudes of pagans and
other heretics.
CHAP. XXIV.--SOME INDIAN NATIONS RECEIVED CHRISTIANITY AT THAT TIME THROUGH
THE INSTRUMENTALITY OF TWO CAPTIVES, FRUMENTIUS AND EDESIUS.
WE have heard that about this period some of the most distant of the nations
that we call Indians, to whom the preaching of Bartholomew was unknown, shared
in our doctrine, through Frumentius, (1) who became a priest and teacher of
the sacred learning among them. But in order that we may know, even by the
marvel of what happened in India, that the doctrine of the Christians ought
to be received as a system not from man, as it seems a tissue of miracles to
some, it is necessary to relate the reason for the ordination of Frumentius.
It was as follows: The most celebrated philosophers among the Greeks explored
unknown cities and regions. Plato, the friend of Socrates, dwelt for a time
among the Egyptians, in order to acquaint himself with their manners and customs.
He likewise sailed to Sicily for the sight of its craters, whence, as from
a fountain, spontaneously issued streams of fire, which frequently overflowing,
rushed like a river and consumed the neighboring regions, so that even yet
many fields appear burnt and cannot be sown or planted with trees, just as
they narrate about the land of Sodom. These craters were likewise explored
by Empedocles, a man highly celebrated for philosophy among the Greeks, and
who has expounded his knowledge in heroic verse. He set out to investigate
this fiery eruption, when either because he thought such a mode of death preferable
to any other, or because, to speak more truthfully, he perhaps knew not wherefore
he should seek to terminate his life in this manner, he leaped into the fire
and perished. Democritus of Coos explored many cities and climates and nations,
and he says concerning himself that eighty years of his life were spent in
traveling through foreign lands. Besides these philosophers, thousands of wise
men among the Greeks, ancient and modern, devoted themselves to this travel.
In emulation, Meropius, a philosopher of Tyre in Phoenicia, journeyed as far
as India. They say he was accompanied by two youths, named Frumentius and Edesius;
they were his relatives; he conducted their rhetorical training, and educated
them liberally. After exploring India as much as possible, he set out for home,
and embarked in a vessel which was on the point of sailing for Egypt. It happened
that, from want of water or some other necessary, the vessel was obliged to
stop at some port, and the Indians rushed upon it and murdered all, Meropius
included. These Indians had just thrown off their alliance with the Romans;
they took the boys as living captives, because they pitied their youth, and
conducted them to their king. He appointed the younger one his cup-bearer;
the older, Frumentius, he put over his house and made him administrator of
his treasures; for he perceived that he was intelligent and very capable in
business. These youths served the king usefully and faithfully during a long
course of years, and when he felt his end approaching, his son and wife surviving,
he rewarded the good-will of the servants with liberty, and permitted them
to go where they pleased. They were anxious to return to Tyre, where their
relatives resided; but the king's son being a minor, his mother besought them
to remain for a little while and take charge of public affairs, until her son
reached the years of manhood. They yielded to her entreaties, and directed
the affairs of the kingdom and of the government of the Indies. Frumentius,
by some Divine impulse, perhaps because God moved him spontaneously, inquired
whether there were any Christians in India, or Romans among the merchants,
who had sailed thither. Having succeeded in finding the objects of his inquiry,
he summoned them into his presence, treated them with love and friendliness,
and convened them for prayer, and the assembly was conducted after the Roman
usage; and when he had built houses of prayer, he encouraged them to honor
God continually.
When the king's son attained the age of manhood, Frumentius and Edesius besought
him and the queen, and not without difficulty persuaded the rulers to be separated
from themselves, and having parted as friends, they went back as Roman subjects.
Edesius went to Tyre to see his relatives, and was soon after advanced to the
dignity of presbyter. Frumentius, however, instead of returning to Phoenicia,
repaired to Alexandria; for with him patriotism and filial piety were subordinate
to religious zeal. He conferred with Athanasius, the head of the Alexandrian
Church, described to him the state of affairs in India, and the necessity of
appointing a bishop over the Christians located in that country. Athanasius
assembled the endemic priests, and consulted with them on the subject; and
he ordained Frumentius bishop of India, since he was peculiarly qualified and
apt to do much service among those among whom he was the first to manifest
the name of Christian, and the seed of the participation in the doctrine was
sown. (2) Frumentius, therefore, returned to India, and, it is said, discharged
the priestly functions so admirably that he became an object of universal admiration,
and was revered as no less than an apostle. God highly honored him, enabling
him to perform many wonderful cures, and to work signs and wonders.Such was
the origin of the Indian priesthood.
CHAP. XXV.--COUNCIL OF TYRE; ILLEGAL DEPOSITION OF ST. ATHANASIUS.
THE plots
of the enemies of Athanasius involved him in fresh troubles, excited the
hatred of the emperor
against
him, and stirred up a multitude of accusers.
Wearied by their importunity, the emperor convened a council at Caesarea in
Palestine. Athanasius was summoned thither; but fearing the artifices of Eusebius,
bishop of the city, of Eusebius, bishop of Nicomedia, and of their party, he
refused to attend, and for thirty months, although pressed to attend, persisted
in his refusal. At the end of that period, however, he was forced more urgently
and repaired to Tyre, where a great number of the bishops of the East were
assembled, (1) who commanded him to undergo the charges of those who accused
him. Of John's party, Callinicus, a bishop, and a certain Ischurias, accused
him of breaking a mystical chalice and of throwing down an episcopal chair;
and of often causing Ischurias, although he was a presbyter, to be loaded with
chains; and by falsely informing Hyginus, governor of Egypt, that he had cast
stones at the statues of the emperor of occasioning his being thrown into prison;
of deposing Callinicus, bishop of the Catholic Church at Pelusium, and of saying
that he would debar him from fellowship unless he could remove certain suspicions
concerning his having broken a mystical chalice; of committing the Church of
Pelusium to Mark, a deposed presbyter; and of placing Callinicus under a military
guard, and of putting him under judicial tortures Euplus, Pachomius, Isaac,
Achillas, (1) and Hermaeon, bishops of John's party, accused him of inflicting
blows. They all concurred in maintaining that he obtained the episcopal dignity
by means of the perjury of certain individuals, it having been decreed that
no one should receive ordination, who could not clear himself of any crime
laid to his charge. They further alleged, that having been deceived by him,
they had separated themselves from communion with him, and that, so far from
satisfying their scruples, he had treated them with violence and thrown them
into prison. Further, the affair of Arsenius was again agitated; and as generally
happens in such a studiously concocted plot, many even of those considered
his friends loomed up unexpectedly as accusers. A document was then read, containing
popular complaints that the people of Alexandria could not continue their attendance
at church on his account. Athanasius, having been urged to justify himself,
presented himself repeatedly before the tribunal; successfully repelled some
of the allegations, and requested delay for investigation as to the others.
He was exceedingly perplexed when he reflected on the favor in which his accusers
were held by his judges, on the number of witnesses belonging to the sects
of Arius and Melitius who appeared against him, and on the indulgence that
was manifested towards the informers, whose allegations had been overcome.
And especially in the indictment concerning Arsenius, whose arm he was charged
with having cut off for purposes of magic, and in the indictment concerning
a certain woman to whom he was charged with having given gifts for uncleanness,
and with having corrupted her by night, although she was unwilling. Both these
indictments were proved to be ridiculous and full of false espionage. When
this female made the deposition before the bishops, Timothy, a presbyter of
Alexandria, who stood by Athanasius, approached her according to a plan he
had secretly concerted, and said to her, "Did I then, O woman, violate
your chastity?" (3) She replied, "But didst thou not?" and mentioned
the place and the attendant circumstances, in which she had been forced. He
likewise led Arsenius into the midst of them, showed both his hands to the
judges, and requested them to make the accusers account for the arm which they
had exhibited. For it happened that Arsenius, either driven by a Divine influence,
or, as it is said, having been concealed by the plans of Athanasius, when the
danger to that bishop on his account was announced, escaped by night, and arrived
at Tyre the day before the trial. But these allegations having been thus summarily
dismissed, so that no defense was necessary, no mention of the first was made
in the transactions; most probably, I think, because the whole affair was considered
too indecorous and absurd for insertion. As to the second, the accusers strove
to justify themselves by saying that a bishop under the jurisdiction of Athanasius,
named Plusian, (4) had, at the command of his chief, burnt the house of Arsenius,
fastened him to a column, and maltreated him with thongs, and then chained
him in a cell. They further stated that Arsenius escaped from the cell through
a window, and while he was sought for remained a while in concealment; that
as he did not appear, they naturally supposed him to be dead; that the reputation
he had acquired as a man and confessor, had endeared him to the bishops of
John's party; and that they sought for him, and applied on his behalf to the
magistrates.
Athanasius was filled with apprehension when he reflected on these subjects,
and began to suspect that his enemies were secretly scheming to effect his
ruin. After several sessions, when the Synod was filled with tumult and confusion,
and the accusers and a multitude of persons around the tribunal were crying
aloud that Athanasius ought to be deposed as a sorcerer and a ruffian, and
as being utterly unworthy the priesthood, the officers, who had been appointed
by the emperor to be present at the Synod for the maintenance of order, compelled
the accused to quit the judgment hall secretly; for they feared lest they might
become his murderers, as is apt to be the case in the rush of a tumult. On
finding that he could not remain in Tyre without peril of his life, and that
there was no hope of obtaining justice against his numerous accusers, from
judges who were inimical to him, he fled to Constantinople. The Synod condemned
him during his absence, deposed him from the bishopric, and prohibited his
residing at Alexandria, lest, said they, he should excite disturbances and
seditions. John and all his adherents were restored to communion, as if they
had been unjustly suffering wrongs, and each was reinstated in his own clerical
rank. The bishops then gave an account of their proceedings to the emperor,
and wrote to the bishops of all regions, enjoining them not to receive Athanasius
into fellowship, and not to write to him or receive letters from him, as one
who had been convicted of the crimes which they had investigated, and on account
of his flight, as also guilty in those indictments which had not been tried.
They likewise declared, in this epistle, that they had been obliged to pass
such condemnation upon him, because, when commanded by the emperor the preceding
year to repair to the bishops of the East, who were assembled at Caesarea,
he disobeyed the injunction, kept the bishops waiting for him, and set at naught
the commands of the ruler. They also deposed that when the bishops had assembled
at Tyre, he went to that city, attended by a large retinue, for the purpose
of exciting disturbances and tumults in the Synod; that when there, he sometimes
refused to reply to the charges preferred against him; sometimes insulted the
bishops individually; when summoned by them, sometimes not obeying, at others
not deigning to be judged. They specified in the same letter, that he was manifestly
guilty of having broken a mystical chalice, and that this fact was attested
by Theognis, bishop of Nicaea; by Maris, bishop of Chalcedonia; by Theodore,
bishop of Heraclea; by Valentinus and Ursacius; and by Macedonius, who had
been sent to the village in Egypt, where the chalice was said to have been
broken, in order to ascertain the truth. Thus did the bishops detail successively
each of the allegations against Athanasius, with the same art to which sophists
resort when they desire to heighten the effect of their calumnies. Many of
the priests, however, who were present at the trial, perceived the injustice
of the accusation. It is related that Paphnutius, the confessor, (1) who was
present at the Synod, arose, and took the hand of Maximus, the bishop of Jerusalem,
to lead him away, as if those who were confessors, and had their eyes dug out
for the sake of piety, ought not to participate in an assembly of wicked men.
CHAP. XXVI.--ERECTION OF A TEMPLE BY CONSTANTINE THE GREAT AT GOLGOTHA, IN
JERUSALEM; ITS DEDICATION.
THE temple,
(2) called the "Great Martyrium," which
was built in the place of the skull at Jerusalem, was completed about the
thirtieth year
(3) of the reign of Constantine; and Marianus, an official, who was a short-hand
writer of the emperor, came to Tyre and delivered a letter from the emperor
to the council, commanding them to repair quickly to Jerusalem, in order to
consecrate the temple. Although this had been previously determined upon, yet
the emperor deemed it necessary that the disputes which prevailed among the
bishops who had been convened at Tyre should be first adjusted, and that they
should be purged of all discord and grief before going to the consecration
of the temple. For it is fitting to such a festival for the priests to be like-minded.
When the bishops arrived at Jerusalem, the temple was therefore consecrated,
as likewise numerous ornaments and gifts, which were sent by the emperor and
are still preserved in the sacred edifice; their costliness and magnificence
is such that they cannot be looked upon without exciting wonder. Since that
period the anniversary of the consecration has been celebrated with great pomp
by the church of Jerusalem; (4) the festival continues eight days, initiation
by baptism is administered, and people from every region under the sun resort
to Jerusalem during this festival, and visit the sacred places.
CHAP. XXVII. -- CONCERNING THE PRESBYTER BY WHOM CONSTANTINE WAS PERSUADED
TO RECALL ARIUS AND EUZOIUS FROM EXILE; THE TRACTATE CONCERNING HIS POSSIBLY
PIOUS FAITH, AND HOW ARIUS WAS AGAIN RECEIVED BY THE SYNOD ASSEMBLED AT JERUSALEM.
THE bishops who had embraced the sentiments of Arius found a favorable opportunity
of restoring him and Euzoius to communion, by zealously striving to have a
council in the city of Jerusalem. They effected their design in the following
manner (11): --
A certain presbyter who was a great admirer of the Arian doctrines, was on
terms of intimacy with the emperor's sister. At first he concealed his sentiments;
but as he frequently visited and became by degrees more familiar with Constantia,
for such was the name of the sister of Constantine, he took courage to represent
to her that Arius was unjustly exiled from his country, and cast out from the
Church, through the jealousy and personal enmity of Alexander bishop of the
Alexandrian Church. He said that his jealousy had been excited by the esteem
which the people manifested towards Arius.
Constantia
believed these representations to be true, yet took no steps in her lifetime
to innovate
upon the decrees
of Nicaea. Being attacked with a
disease which threatened to terminate in death, she besought her brother, who
went to visit her, to grant what she was about to ask, as a last favor; this
request was, to receive the above mentioned presbyter on terms of intimacy,
and to rely upon him as a man who had correct opinions about the Divinity. "For
my part," she added, "I am drawing nigh to death, and am no longer
interested in the concerns of this life; the only apprehension I now feel,
arises from dread lest you should incur the wrath of God and suffer any calamity,
or the loss of your empire, since you have been induced to condemn just and
good men wrongfully to perpetual banishment." From that period the emperor
received the presbyter into favor, and after permitting him to speak freely
with him and to commune on the same topics concerning which his sister had
given her command, deemed necessary to subject the case of Arius to a fresh
examination; it is probable that, in forming this decision, the emperor was
either influenced by a belief in the credibility of the attacks, or by the
desire of gratifying his sister. It was not long before he recalled Arius from
exile, (2) and demanded of him a written exposition of his faith concerning
the Godhead. Arius avoided making use of the new terms which he had previously
devised, and constructed another exposition by using simple terms, and such
as were recognized by the sacred Scriptures; he declared upon oath, that he
held the doctrines set forth in this exposition, that he both felt these statements
ex animo and had no other thought than these. It was as follows: (3) "Arius
and Euzoius, presbyters, to Constantine, our most pious emperor and most beloved
of God.
"According
as your piety, beloved of God, commanded, O sovereign emperor, we here furnish
a
written
statement of our own faith, and we protest before
God that we, and all those who are with us, believe what is here set forth.
"We
believe in one God, the Father Almighty, and in His Son the Lord Jesus Christ,
who was begotten
from
Him before all ages, God the Word, by whom
all things were made, whether things in heaven or things on earth; He came
and took upon Him flesh, suffered and rose again, and ascended into heaven,
whence He will again come to judge the quick and the dead.
"We
believe in the Holy Ghost, in the resurrection of the body, in the life to
come, in the
kingdom of heaven,
and in one Catholic Church of God,
established throughout the earth. We have received this faith from the Holy
Gospels, in which the Lord says to His disciples, 'Go forth and teach all nations,
baptizing them in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost.'
If we do not so believe this, and if we do not truly receive the doctrines
concerning the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, as they are taught by the
whole Catholic Church and by the sacred Scriptures, as we believe in every
point, let God be our judge, both now and in the day which is to come. Wherefore
we appeal to your piety, O our emperor most beloved of God, that, as we are
enrolled among the members of the clergy, and as we hold the faith and thought
of the Church and of the sacred Scriptures, we may be openly reconciled to
our mother, the Church, through your peacemaking and pious piety; so that useless
questions and disputes may be cast aside, and that we and the Church may dwell
together in peace, and we all in common may offer the customary prayer for
your peaceful and pious empire and for your entire family."
Many considered this declaration of faith as an artful compilation, and as
bearing the appearance of difference in expression, while, in reality, it supported
the doctrine of Arius; the terms in which it was couched being so vague that
it was susceptible of diverse interpretations. The emperor imagined that Arius
and Euzoius were of the same sentiments as the bishops of the council of Nicaea,
and was delighted over the affair. He did not, however, attempt to restore
them to communion without the judgment and approval of those who are, by the
law of the Church, masters in these matters. He, therefore, sends them to the
bishops who were then assembled at Jerusalem, and wrote, desiring them to examine
the declaration of faith submitted by Arius and Euzoius, and so to influence
the Synod that, whether they found that their doctrine was orthodox, and that
the jealousy of their enemies had been the sole cause of their condemnation,
or that, without having reason to blame those who had condemned them, they
had changed their minds, a humane decision might, in either case, be accorded
them. Those who had long been zealous for this, seized the opportunity under
cover of the emperor's letter, and received him into fellowship. They wrote
immediately to the emperor himself, to the Church of Alexandria, and to the
bishops and clergy of Egypt, of Thebes, and of Libya, earnestly exhorting them
to receive Arius and Euzoius into communion, since the emperor bore witness
to the correctness of their faith, in one of his own epistles, and since the
judgment of the emperor had been confirmed by the vote of the Synod. (1)
These were the subjects which were zealously discussed by the Synod of Jerusalem.
CHAP. XXVIII. -- LETTER FROM THE EMPEROR CONSTANTINE TO THE SYNOD OF TYRE,
AND EXILE OF ST. ATHANASIUS THROUGH THE MACHINATION OF THE ARIAN FACTION.
ATHANASIUS, after having fled from Tyre, repaired (2) to Constantinople, and
on coming to the emperor Constantine, complained of what he had suffered, in
presence of the bishops who had condemned him, and besought him to permit the
decrees of the council of Tyre to be submitted for examination before the emperor.
Constantine regarded this request as reasonable, and wrote in the following
terms to the bishops assembled at Tyre: --
"I
know not what has been enacted in confusion and vehemence by your Synod;
but it appears
that, from
some disturbing disorder, decrees which are
not in conformity with truth have been enacted, and that your constant irritation
of one another evidently prevented you from considering what is pleasing to
God. But it will be the work of Divine Providence to scatter the evils which
have been drawn out of this contentiousness, and to manifest to us clearly
whether you have not been misled in your judgment by motives of private friendship
or aversion. I therefore command that you all come here to my piety without
delay, in order that we may receive an exact account of your transactions.
I will explain to you the cause of my writing to you in this strain, and you
will know from what follows, why I summon you before myself through this document.
As I was returning on horseback to that city which bears my name, and which
I regard as my much prospered country, Athanasius, the bishop, presented himself
so unexpectedly in the middle of the highway, with certain individuals who
accompanied him, that I felt exceedingly surprised at beholding him. God, who
sees all things, is my witness, that at first I did not know who he was, but
that some of my attendants having ascertained this point, and the injustice
which he had suffered, gave me the necessary information. I did not on this
occasion grant him an interview. He, however, persevered in requesting an audience;
and although I refused him, and was on the point of commanding that he should
be removed from my presence, he told me with more boldness, that he sought
no other favor of me than that I should summon you hither, in order that he
might in your presence complain of what he had suffered unnecessarily. As this
request appears reasonable and timely, I deemed it