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COMMENTARY OF
ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM
ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
HOMILIES XLVII TO LI (ACTS 21 TO 24)
HOMILY XLVII.
ACTS XXI. 39, 40.
"But
Paul said, I am a man which am a Jew of Tarsus, a city in Cilicia, a citizen
of no mean
city: and
I beseech thee, suffer me to speak unto the
people. And when he had given him license, Paul stood on the stairs, and beckoned
with the hand unto the' people. And when there was made a great silence, he
spake unto them in the Hebrew tongue, saying."
Observe
how, when he discourses to those that are without, he does not decline availing
himself of the aids
afforded by the laws. Here he awes the tribune
by the name of his city. And again, elsewhere he said, "Openly, uncondemned,
Romans as we are, they have cast us into prison." (ch. xix. 37.) For since
the tribune said, "Art thou that Egyptian?" he immediately drew him
off from that surmise: then, that he may not be thought to deny his nation,
he says at once, "I am a Jew:" he means his religion? (b) What then?
he did not deny (that he was a Christian): God forbid: for he was both a Jew
and a Christian, observing what things he ought: since indeed he, most of all
men, did obey the law: (a) as in fact he elsewhere calls himself, "Under
the law to Christ." (I Cor. ix. 21.) What is this, I pray? (c) The man[5]
that believes in Christ. And when discoursing with Peter, he says: "We,
Jews by nature.--But I beseech thee, suffer me to speak unto the people." (Gal.
ii. 15.) And this is a proof, that he does not speak lies, seeing he takes
all as his witnesses. Observe again how mildly he speaks. This again is a very
strong argument that he is chargeable with no crime, his being so ready to
make his defence, and his wishing to come to discourse with the people of the
Jews. See a man well-prepared (<greek>tetagmenon</greek> <greek>andra</greek>)!--Mark
the providential ordering of the thing: unless the tribune had come, unless
he had bound him, he would not have desired to speak for his defence, he would
not have obtained the silence he did. "Standing on the stairs." Then
there was the additional facility afforded by the locality, that he should
have a high place to harangue them from--in chains too! What spectacle could
be equal to this, to see Paul, bound with two chains, and haranguing the people!
(To see him,) how he was not a whit perturbed, not a whit confused; how, seeing
as he did so great a multitude all hostility against him, the ruler standing
by, he first of all made them desist from their auger: then, how prudently
(he does this). Just what he does in his Epistle to the Hebrews, the same he
does here: first he attracts them by the sound of their common mother tongue:
then by his mildness itself. "He spake unto them," it says, "in
the Hebrew tongue, saying, Men, brethren, and fathers, hear ye my defence which
I make now unto you." (ch. xxii. 1.) Mark his address, at once so free
from all flattery, and so expressive of meekness. For he says not, "Masters," nor "Lords," but, "Brethren," just
the word they most liked: "I am no alien from. you," he says, nor "against
you." "Men," he says, "brethren, and fathers:" this,
a term of honor, that of kindred. "Hear ye," says he, "my"--he
says not, "teaching," nor "harangue," but, "my defence
which I now make unto you." He puts himself in the posture of a suppliant. "And
when they heard that he spake in the Hebrew tongue to them, they kept the more
silence." (v. 2.) Do you observe how the using the same tongue subdued
them? In fact, they had a sort of awe for that language. Observe also how he
prepares the way for his discourse, beginning thus: "I am verily a man
which am a Jew, born in Tarsus, a city in Cihcia, yet brought up in this city
at the feet of Gamaliel, and taught according to the perfect manner of the
law of the fathers, and was zealous toward God, as ye all are this day." (v.
3.) "I am a man," he says, "which am a Jew:" which thing
they liked most of all to hear; "born in Tarsus, a city of Cilicia." That
they may not again think him to be of another nation, he adds his religion: "but
brought up in this city." (p. 282, note[1].) He shows how great was his
zeal for the worship, inasmuch as having left his native city, which was so
great and so remote too, he chose to be brought up here for the Law's sake.
See how from the beginning he attached himself to the law.[*] But this he says,
not only to defend himself to them, but to show that not by human intent was
he led to the preaching of the Gospel, but by a Divine power: else, having
been so educated, he would not have suddenly changed. For if indeed he had
been one of the common order of men, it might have been reasonable to suspect
this: but if he was of the number of those who were most of all bound by the
law, it was not likely that he Should change lightly, and without strong necessity.
But perhaps some one may say: "To have been brought up here proves nothing:
for what if thou camest here for the purpose of trading, or for some other
cause?" Therefore he says, "at the feet of Gamaliel:" and not
simply, "by Gamaliel," but "at his feet," showing his perseverance,
his assiduity, his zeal for the hearing, and his great reverence for the man. "Taught
according to the perfect manner of the law of the fathers." Not simply, "the
law," but "the law of the fathers;" showing that he was such
from the beginning, and not merely one that knew the Law. All this seems indeed
to be spoken on their side, but in fact it told against them, since he, knowing
the law, forsook it. "Yes: but what if thou didst indeed know the law
accurately, but dost not vindicate it, no, nor love it?" "Being a
zealot," he adds: not simply (one that knew it). Then, since it was a
high encomium he had passed upon himself, he makes it theirs as well as his,
adding, "As ye all are this day." For he shows that they act not
from any human object, but from zeal for God; gratifying them, and preoccupying
their minds, and getting a hold upon them in a way that did no harm. Then he
brings forward proofs also, saying, "and I persecuted this way unto the
death, binding and delivering into prisons both men and women. As also the
high priest doth bear me witness, and all the estate of the elders" (v.
4, 5): "How does this appear." As witnesses he brings forward the
high-priest himself and the eiders. He says indeed, "Being a zealot, as
ye" (Hom. xix. p. 123): but he shows by his actions, that he went beyond
them. "For I did not wait for an opportunity of seizing them: I both stirred
up the priests, and undertook journeys: I did not confine my attacks, as ye
did, to men, I extended them to women also: "both binding, and casting
into prisons both men and women." This testimony is incontrovertible;
the (unbelief) of the Jews (is left) without excuse. See how many witnesses
he brings forward, the elders, the high-priest, and those in the city. Observe
his defence, how it is not of cowardly fear (for himself, that he pleads),
no, but for teaching and indoctrination. For had not the hearers been stones,
they would have felt the force of what he was saying. For up to this point
he had themselves as witnesses: the rest, however, was without witnesses: "From
whom also I received letters unto the brethren, and went to Damascus, to bring
them which were there bound unto Jerusalem, for to be punished. And it came
to pass, that, as I made my journey, and was come nigh unto Damascus about
noon, suddenly there shone from heaven a great light round about me. And I
fell unto the ground, and heard a voice saying unto me, Saul, Saul, why persecutest
thou Me? And I answered, Who are Thou, Lord? And he said unto me, I am Jesus
of Nazareth, Whom thou persecutest." (v. 6, 7, 8.) Why then, these very
things ought to have been held worthy of credit, from those that went before:
otherwise he would not have undergone such a revolution. How if he is only
making a fine story of it, say you? Answer me, Why did he saddenly fling away
all this zeal? Because he looked for honor? And yet he got just the contrary.
But an easy life, perhaps? No, nor that either. Well but something else? Why
it is not in the power of thought to invent any other object. So then, leaving
it to themselves to draw the inference, he narrates the facts. "As I came
nigh," he says, "unto Damascus, about noonday." See how great
was the excess of the light. What if he is only making a fine story, say you?
Those who were with him are witnesses, who led him by the hand, who saw the
light. "And they that were with me saw indeed the light, and were afraid;
but they heard not the voice of Him that spake to me." (v. 9.) But in
another place he says, "Hearing the voice, but seeing no man." (Acts
ix. 7.) It is not at variance: no, there were two voices, that of Paul and
the Lord's voice: in that place, the writer means Paul's voice (Horn. xix.
P. 124, note[2]); as in fact (Paul) here adds, "The voice of Him that
spake unto me. Seeing no man:" he does not say, that they did not see
the light: but, "no man," that is, "none speaking," And
good reason that it should be so, since it behooved him alone to have that
voice vouchsafed unto him. For if indeed they also had heard it, (the miracle)
would not have been so great. Since persons of grosser minds are persuaded
more by sight, those saw the light, and were afraid. In fact, neither did the
light take so much effect on them, as it did on him: for it even blinded his
eyes: by that which befel him, (God) gave them also an opportunity of recovering
their sight, if they had the mind. It seems to me at least, that their not
believing was providentially ordered, that they might be unexceptionable witnesses. "And
he said unto me" it says, "I am Jesus of Nazareth, Whom thou persecutest." (comp.
ch. ix. 5.) Well is the name of the city (Nazareth) also added, that they might
recognize (the Person): moreover, the Apostles also spoke thus. (ch. ii. 22;
iV. 1O; X. 38.) And Himself bore witness, that they were persecuting Him. "And
they that were with me saw indeed the light, and were afraid, but they heard
not the voice of Him that spake to me. And I said, What shall I do, Lord? And
the Lord said unto me, Arise, and go into Damascus; and there it shall be told
thee of all things which are appointed for thee to do. And when I could not
see for the glory of that light, being led by the hand of them that were with
me, I came into Damascus. And one Ananias, a devout man according to the law,
having a good report of all the Jews which dwelt there, came unto me, and stood,
and said unto me, Brother Saul, receive thy sight. And the same hour I looked
up upon him. Enter into the city," it says, "and there it shall be
spoken to thee of all that is appointed for thee to do." (v. 10-13.) Lo!
again another witness. And see how unexceptionable he makes him also. "And
one Ananias," he says, "a devout man according to the law,"--so
far is it from being anything alien!--"having a good report of all the
Jews that dwelt" (there). "And I in the same hour received sight." Then
follows the testimony borne by the facts. Observe how it is interwoven, of
persons and facts; and the persons, both of their own and of aliens: the priests,
the elders, and his fellow-travellers: the facts, what he did and what was
done to him: and facts bear witness to facts, not persons only. Then Ananias,
an alien;[1] then the fact itself, the recovery of sight; then a great prophecy. "And
he said, The God of our fathers hath chosen thee, that thou shouldest know
His will, and see That Just One." (v. 14.) It is well said, "'Of
the fathers," to show that they were not Jews, but aliens from the law,
and that it was not from zeal (for the law) that they were acting."That
thou shouldest know HIs will." Why then His will is this. See how in the
form of narrative it is teaching. "And see That Just One, and hear the
voice of His mouth. For thou shall be His witness unto all men of what thou
hast seen and heard. And see," he says, "that Just One." (v.
15.) For the present he says no more than this: if He is Just, they are guilty. "And
hear the voice of His mouth." See how high he raises the fact! "For
thou shall be His witness--for this, because thou wilt not betray the sight
and hearing (i.e. "prove false to")--" both of what thou hast
seen, and of what thou hast heard:" by means of both the senses he claims
his faith, fulness--"to all men. And now why tarriest thou? arise, and
be baptized, and wash away thy sins, calling on His name." (v. 16.) Here
it is a great thing he has uttered. For he said not, "Be baptized in His
name:" but, "calling on the name of Christ." It shows that He
is God: since it is not lawful to "call upon" any other, save God.
Then he shows also, that he himself was not compelled: for, "I said," says
he, "What must I do?" Nothing is (left) without witness: no; he brings
forward the witness of a whole city, seeing they had beheld him led by the
hand. But see the prophecy fuIfiIIed. "To all men," it is said. For
he did become a witness to Him, and a witness as it ought to be; by what he
suffered, by what he did, and by what he said. Such witnesses ought we also
to be, and not to betray the things we have been entrusted withal: I speak
not only of doctrines, but also of the manner of life. For observe: because
he had seen, because he had heard, he bears witness to all men, and nothing
hindered him. We too bear witness (Mod. text "have heard") that there
is a Resurrection and numberless good things: we are bound to bear witness
of this to all men. "Yes, and we do bear witness," you will say, "and
do believe." How; when ye act the contrary? Say now: if any one should
call himself a Christian, and then having apostatized should hold with the
Jews, would this testimony suffice? By no means: for men would desire the testimony
which is borne by the actions. Just so, if we say that there is a Resurrection
and numberless good things, and then despise those things and prefer the things
here, who will believe us? Not what we say, but what we do, is what all men
look to. "Thou shalt be a witness," it says, "unto all men:" not
only to the friendly, but also to the unbelievers: for this is what witnesses
are for; not to persuade those who know, but those who know not. Let us be
trustworthy witnesses. But how shall we be trustworthy? By the life we lead.
The Jews assaulted him: our passions assault us, bidding us abjure our testimony.
But let us not obey them: we are witnesses from God. (Christ) is judged that
He is not God:[1] He has sent us to bear witness to Him. Let us bear witness
and persuade those who have to decide the point: if we do not bear witness,
we have to answer for their error also. But if in a court of justice, where
worldly matters come in question, nobody would receive a witness full of numberless
vices, much less here, where such (and so great) are the matters to be considered.
We say, that we have heard Christ, and that we believe the things which He
has promised: Show it, say they, by your works: for your life bears witness
of the contrary--that ye do not believe. Say, shall we look at the money-getting
people, the rapacious, the covetous? the people that mourn and wail, that build
and busy themselves in all sorts of things, as though they were never to die? "Ye
do not believe that ye shall die, a thing so plain and evident: and how shall
we believe you when ye bear witness?" For there are, there are many men,
whose state of mind is just as if they were not to die. For when in a lengthened
old age they set about building and planting, when will they take death into
their calculations? It will be no small punishment to us that we were called
to bear witness, but were not able to bear witness of the things that we have
seen. We have seen Angels with our eyes, yea, more clearly than those who have
(visibly) beheld them. We shall be (Mud. text "Then let us be") witnesses
to Christ: for not those only are "martyrs," (or witnesses, whom
we so call), but ourselves also. This is why they are called martyrs, because
when bidden to abjure (the faith), they endure all things, that they may speak
the truth: and we, when we are bidden by our passions to abjure, let us not
be overcome. Gold saith: Say that Christ is not Christ. Then listen not to
it as to God, but despise its biddings. The evil lusts[2] "profess that
they know God, but in works they deny Him." (Tit. i. 16.) For this is
not to witness, but the contrary. And indeed that others should deny, (Him)
is nothing wonderful: but that we who have been called to bear witness should
deny Him, is a grievous and a heinous thing: this of all things does the greatest
hurt to our cause. "It shall be to (your)selves for a testimony." (Luke
xxi. 13), He saith: but (this is) when we ourselves stand to it firmly. If
we would all bear witness to Christ, we should quickly persuade the greater
number of the heathen. It is a great thing, my beloved, the life (one leads).
Let a man be savage as a beast, let him openly condemn thee on account of thy
doctrine,[1] yet he secretly approves, yet he will praise, yet he will admire.
For say, whence can an excellent life proceed? From no source, except from
a Divine Power working in us. "What if there be heathen also of such a
character?" If anywhere any of them be such, it is partly from nature,
partly from vainglory. Wilt thou learn what a brilliancy there is in a good
life, what a force of persuasion it has? Many of the heretics have thus prevailed,
and while their doctrines are corrupt, yet the greater part of men out of reverence
for their (virtuous) life did not go on to examine their doctrine: and many
even condemning them on account of their doctrine, reverence them on account
of their life: not rightly indeed, but still so it is, that they do thus feel
(towards them). This has brought slanders on the awful articles of our creed,
this has turned everything upside down, that no one takes any account of good
living: this is a mischief to the faith. We say that Christ is God; numberless
other arguments we bring forward, and this one among the rest, that He has
persuaded all men to live rightly: but this is the case with few. The badness
of the life is a mischief to the doctrine of the Resurrection, to that of the
immortality of the soul, to that of the Judgment: many other (false doctrines)
too it draws on with itself, fate, necessity, denial of a Providence. For the
soul being immersed in numberless vices, by way of consolations to itself tries
to devise these, that it may not be pained in having to reflect that there
is a Judgment, and that virtue and vice lie in our own power. (Such a) life
works numberless evils, it makes men beasts, and more irrational than beasts:
for what things are in each several nature of the beasts, these it has often
collected together in one man, and turned everything upside down. This is why
the devil has brought in the doctrine of Fate: this is why he has said that
the world is without a Providence (Hom. ii. p. 15): this is why he advances
his hypothesis of good natures, and evil natures, and his hypothesis of evil
(uncreated and) without beginning, and material (in its essence): and, in short,
all the rest of it, that he may ruin our life. For it is not possible for a
man who is of such a life either to recover himself from corrupt doctrines,
or to remain in a sound faith: but of inevitable necessity he must receive
all this. For I do not think, for my part, that of those who do not live aright,
there could be easily found any who do not hold numberless satanical devices--as,
that there is a nativity (or birth-fate) (<greek>lenesis</greek>),
that things happen at random, that all is hap-hazard and chancemedley. Wherefore
I beseech you let us have a care for good living, that we may not receive evil
doctrines. Cain received for punishment that he should be (ever) groaning and
trembling. (Gen. iv. 14.) Such are the wicked, and being conscious within themselves
of numberless bad things, often they start out of their sleep, their thoughts
are full of tumult, their eyes full of perturbation; everything is fraught
for them with misgivings, everything alarms them, their soul is replete with
grievous expectation and cowardly apprehension, contracted with impotent fear
and trembling. Nothing can be more effeminate than such a soul, nothing more
inane.[2] Like madmen, it has no self-possession. For it were well for it that
in the enjoyment of calm and quiet it were enabled to take knowledge of its
proper nobility. But when all things terrify and throw it into perturbation,
dreams, and words, and gestures, and forebodings, indiscriminately, when will
it be able to look into itself, being thus troubled and amazed? Let us therefore
do away with its fear, let us break asunder its bonds. For were there no other
punishment, what punishment could exceed this--to be living always in fear,
never to have confidence, never to be at ease? Therefore knowing these things
assuredly, let us keep ourselves in a state of calm and be careful to practise
virtue, that maintaining both sound doctrines and an upright life, we may without
offence pass through this life present, and be enabled to attain unto the good
things which God hath promised to them that love Him, through the grace and
mercy of His only-begotten Son, with Whom to the Father and the Holy Ghost
together be glory, might, honor, now and ever, world without end. Amen.
HOMILY XLVIII.
ACTS XXII. 17-20.
"And
it came to pass, that, when I was come again to Jerusalem, even while I prayed
in the temple,
I
was in a trance; and saw him saying unto me,
Make haste, and get thee quickly out of Jerusalem: for they will not receive
thy testimony concerning me. And I said, Lord, they know that I imprisoned
and beat in every synagogue them that believed on thee: and when the blood
of thy martyr Stephen was shed, I also was standing by, and consenting unto
his death, and kept the raiment of them that slew him."
SEE how
he thrusts himself (into danger), I came, he says, after that vision, "to
Jerusalem. I was in a trance," etc. Again, this is without witness: but
observe, the witness follows from the result. He said, "They will not
receive thy testimony:" they did not receive it. And yet from calculations
of reason the surmise should have been this, that they would assuredly receive
him. For I was the man that made war upon the Christians: so that they ought
to have received him. Here he establishes two things: both that they are without
excuse, since they persecuted him contrary to all likelihood or calculation
of reason; and, that Christ was God, as prophesying things contrary to expectation,
and as not looking to past things, but fore-knowing the things to come. How
then does He say, "He shall bear My name before the Gentiles and kings
and children of Israel?" (Acts ix. 15.) Not, certainly persuade. Besides
which, on other occasions we find the Jews were persuaded, but here they were
not. Where most of all they ought to have been persuaded, as knowing his former
zeal (in their cause), here they were not persuaded. "And when the blood
of Thy martyr Stephen," etc. See where again his discourse terminates,
namely, in the forcible main point (<greek>eis</greek> <greek>to</greek> <greek>ipktrot</greek> <greek>kefalaion</greek>):
that it was he that persecuted, and not only persecuted but killed, nay, had
he ten thousand hands (<greek>mtriais</greek> <greek>kersin</greek> <greek>anairpn</greek>)
would have used them all to kill Stephen. He reminded them of the murderous
spirit heinously indulged (by him and them). Then of course above all they
would not endure him, since this convicted them; and truly the prophecy was
having its fulfilment: great the zeal, vehement the accusation, and the Jews
themselves witnesses of the truth of Christ! "And he said unto me, Depart:
for I will send thee far hence unto the Gentiles. And they gave him audience
unto this word, and then lifted up their voices, and said, Away with such a
fellow from the earth: for it is not fit that,he should live." (v. 21,
22.) The Jews[1] would not endure to hear out all his harangue,[*] but excessively
fired by their wrath, they shouted, it says, "Away with him; for it is
not fit that he should live. And as they cried out, and cast off their clothes,
and threw dust into the air, the tribune commanded him to be brought into the
castle, and bade that be should be examined by scourging; that he might know
wherefore they cried so against him." (v. 23, 24.) Whereas both the tribune
ought to have examined whether these things were so--yes, and the Jews themselves
too --or, if they were not so, to have ordered him to be scourged, he "bade
examine him by scourging, that he might know for what cause they so clamored
against him." And yet he ought to have learnt from those clamorers, and
to have asked whether they laid hold upon aught of the things spoken: instead
of that, without more ado he indulges his arbitrary will and pleasure, and
acts with a view to gratify them: for he did not look to this, how he should
do a righteous thing, but only how he might stop their rage unrighteous as
it was. "And as they bound him with thongs, Paul said unto the centurion
that stood by, Is it lawful for you to scourge a man that is a Roman and uncondemned?" (v.
25.) Paul lied not, God forbid: for he was a Roman.[1] if there was nothing
else, he would have been afraid (to pretend this), lest he should be found
out, and suffer a worse punishment. (See Sueton. Vit. Claud. § 25.) And
observe he does not say it peremptorily (<greek>atlps</greek>),
but, "Is it lawful for you?" The charges brought are two, both its
being without examination, and his being a Roman. They held this as a great
privilege, at that time: for they say that (it was only) from the time of Hadrian
that all[2] were named Romans, but of old it was not so. He would have been
contemptible had he been scourged: but as it is, he puts them into greater
fear (than they him). Had they scourged him, they would also have dismissed[3]
the whole matter, or even have killed him; but as it is, the result is not
so. See how God permits many (good results) to be brought about quite in a
human way, both in the case of the Apostles and of the rest (of mankind). Mark
how they suspected the thing to be a pretext,[4] and that in calling himself
a Roman, Paul lied: perhaps surmising this from his poverty. "When the
centurion heard that, he went and told the tribune, saying, Take heed what
thou doest: for this man is a Roman. Then the tribune came, and said unto him,
Tell me, art thou a Roman? He said, Yea. And the tribune answered, With a great
sum obtained I this freedom. And Paul said, But I was free born. Then straightway
they departed from him which should have examined him: and the tribune also
was afraid, after he knew that he was a Roman, and because he had bound him." (v.
26-29.)--"But I," he says, "was free born." So then his
father also was a Roman. What then comes of this? He bound him, and brought
him down to the Jews.[5] "On the morrow, because he would have known the
certainty whereof he was accused of the Jews, he loosed him from his bands,
and commanded the chief priests and all their council to appear, and brought
Paul down, and set him before them." (v. 30.) He discourses not now to
the multitude, nor to the people. "And Paul, earnestly beholding the council,
said, Men and brethren, I have lived in all good conscience before God until
this day." (ch. xxiii. 1.) What he means is this: I am not conscious to
myself of having wronged you at all, or of having done anything worthy of these
bonds. What then said the high priest?[6] Right justly, and ruler-like, and
mildly: "And the high priest Ananias commanded them that stood by him
to smite him on the mouth. Then said Paul unto him, God shall smite thee, thou
whited wall: for sittest thou to judge me after the law, and commandest me
to be smitten contrary to the law? And they that stood by said, Revilest thou
God's high priest? Then said Paul, I wist not, brethren, that he was the high
priest: for it is written, Thou shalt not speak evil of the ruler of thy people."[7]
(v. 3-5.) Because "I knew not that he was high priest." Some say,
Why then does he defend himself as if it was matter of accusation, and adds, "Thou
shalt not speak evil of the ruler of thy people?" For if he were not the
ruler, was it right for no better reason than that to abuse (him or any) other?
He says himself, "Being reviled, we bless; being persecuted, we suffer
it" (1 Cor. iv. 12); but here he does the contrary, and not only reviles,
but curses.[8] They are the words of boldness, rather than of anger; he did
not choose to appear in a contemptible light to the tribune. For suppose the
tribune himself had spared to scourge him, only as he was about to be delivered
up to the Jews, his being beaten by their servants would have more emboldened
him: this is why Paul does not attack the servant, but the person who gave
the order. But that saying, "Thou whited wall, and dost thou sit to judge
me after the law?" (is) instead of, Being (thyself) a culprit: as if he
had said, And (thyself) worthy of stripes without number. See accordingly how
greatly they were struck with his boldness; for whereas the point was to have
overthrown the whole matter, they rather commend him.(1) (infra, v. 9.) "For
it is written," etc. He wishes to show that he thus speaks, not from fear,
nor because (Ananias) did not deserve to be called this, but from obedience
to the law in this point also. And indeed I am fully persuaded that he did
not know that it was the high priest,(2) since he had returned now after a
long interval, and was not in the habit of constant intercourse with the Jews;
seeing him too in the midst among many others: for the high priest was no longer
easy to be seen at a glance, there being many of them and diverse.(*) So, it
seems to me, in this also he spoke with a view to his plea against them: by
way of showing that he does obey the law; therefore he (thus) exculpates himself.
(Recapitulation.)
(b) But let us review what has been said. (a) "And
when I was came again to Jerusalem," etc. (v. 17.) How was it,(3) that
being a Jew, and there brought up and taught, he did not stay there? Nor did
he abide there, unless he had a mind to furnish numberless occasions against
him: everywhere just like an exile, fleeing about from place to place.(c) "While
I prayed in the temple," he says, "it came to pass that I was in
a trance." (To show) that it was not simply a phantom of the imagination,
therefore "while he prayed" (the Lord) stood by him. And he shows
that it was not from fear of their dangers that he fled, but because they would "not
receive" his "testimony." (v. 18.) But why said he "They
know I imprisoned?" (v. 19.) Not to gainsay Christ, but because he wished
to learn this which was so contrary to all reasonable expectation. Christ,
however, did not teach him (this),(4) but only bade him depart, and he obeys:
so obedient is he. "And they lifted up their voices," it says, "and
said, Away with him: it is not fit that this fellow should live." (v.
22.) Nay, ye are the persons not fit to live; not he, who in everything obeys
God. O villains and murderers! "And shaking out their clothes," it
says, "they threw dust into the air" (v. 23), to make insurrection
more fierce, because they wished to frighten the governor. And observe; they
do not say what the charge was, as in fact they had nothing to allege, but
only think to strike terror by their shouting. "The tribune commanded," etc.
and yet he ought to have learnt from the accusers, "wherefore they cried
so against him. And as they bound him, etc. And the chief captain was afraid,
after he learnt that he was a Roman." Why then it was no falsehood. "On
the morrow, because he would know the certainty wherefore he was accused of
the Jews, etc., he brought him down before the council." (v. 24-30.) This
he should have done at the outset. He brought him in, loosed. This above all
the Jews would not know what to make of.(5) "And Paul," it says, "earnestly
beholding them." It shows his boldness, and how it awed them<greek>to</greek> <greek>entreptikon</greek>). "Then
the high priest Ananias." etc.ch. xxiii. 1, 2.) Why, what has he said
that was affronting? What is he beaten for? Why what hardihood, what shamelessness!
Therefore (Paul) set him down (with a rebuke) "God shall smite thee thou
whited wall." (v. 3.) Accordingly (Ananias) himself is put to a stand,
and dares not say a word: only those about him could not bear Paul's boldness.
They saw a man ready to die(1) * * * for if this was the case,Paul) had but
to hold his peace, and the tribune would have taken him, and gone his way;
he would have sacrificed him to them. He both shows that he suffers willingly
what he suffers, and thus excuses himself before them, not that he wished to
excuse himself to them--since as for those, he even strongly condemns them--but
for the sake of the people.(2) "Violating the law, commandest thou me
to be beaten?" Well may he say so: for to kill a man who had donethem)
no injury, and that an innocent person, was a violating of the law. For neither
was it abuse that was spoken by him, unless one would call Christ's words abusive,
when He says, "Woe unto you, Scribes and Pharisees, for ye are like unto
whited walls." (Matt. xxiii. 27.) True, you will say: but if he had said
it before he had been beaten, it would have betokened not anger, but boldness.
But I have mentioned the reason of this.(8) And (at this rate) we often find
Christ Himself "speaking abusively" to the Jews when abused by them;
as when He says, "Do not think that I will accuse you." (John v.
45.) But this is not abuse, God forbid. See, with what gentleness he addresses
these men: "I wist not," he says, "that he was God's high priest" (v.
4, 5): and, (to show) that he was not dissembling he adds, "Thou shalt
not speak evil of the ruler of thy people." He even confesses him to be
still ruler. Let us also learn the gentleness also,(4) that in both the one
and the other we may be perfect. For one must look narrowly into them, to learn
what the one is and what the other: narrowly, because these virtues have their
corresponding vices hard by them: mere forwardness passing itself off for boldness,
mere cowardice for gentleness:(5) and need being to scan them, lest any person
possessing the vice should seem to have the virtue: which would be just as
if a person should fancy that he was cohabiting with the mistress, and not
know that it was the servant--maid. What then is gentleness, and what mere
cowardice? When others are wronged, and we do not take their part, but hold
our peace, this is cowardice: when we are the persons ill-treated, and we bear
it, this is gentleness. What is boldness? Again the same, when others are the
persons for whom we contend. What forwardness? When it is in our own cause
that we are willing to fight. So that magnanimity and boldness go together,
as also (mere) forwardness andmere) cowardice. For he that (does not) resent
on his own behalf,(6) Will hardly but resent on behalf of others: and he that
does not stand up for his own cause, will hardly fail to stand up for others.
For when our habitual disposition is pure from passion, it admits virtue also.
Just as a body when free from fever admits strength, so the soul, unless it
be corrupted by the passions, admits strength. It betokens great strength,
this gentleness; it needs a generous and a gallant soul, and one of exceeding
loftiness, this gentleness. Or, think you, is it a small thing to suffer ill,
and not be exasperated? Indeed one would not err if in speaking of the disposition
to stand up for our neighbors, one should call it the spirit of manly courage.
For he that has had the strength to be able to overcome so strong a passion
(as this of selfishness), will have the strength to dare the attack on another.
For instance, these are two passions, cowardice and anger: if thou have overcome
anger, it is very plain that thou overcomest cowardice also: but thou gettest
the mastery over anger, by being gentle: therefore (do so) with cowardice also,
and thou wilt be manly. Again, if thou hast not got the better of anger, thou
art become forward and pugnacious); but not having got the better of this,
neither canst thou get the better of fear; consequently, thou wilt be a coward
too: and the case is the same as with the body; if it be weak, it is quickly
overcome both by cold and heat: for such is the ill temperament, but the good
temperament is able to stand all (changes). Again, greatness of soul is a virtue,
and hard by it stands prodigality: economy is a virtue, the being a good manager;
hard by it stands parsimony and meanness. Come, let us again collate and compare
the virtues (with their vices). Well, then, the prodigal person is not to be
called great-minded. How should he? The man who is overcome by numberless passions,
how should he be great of soul? For this is not despising money; it is only
the being ordered about by other passions: for just as a man, if he were at
the beck and bidding of robbers to obey their orders, could not be free (so
it is here). His large spending does not come of his contempt of money, but
simply from his not knowing how to dispose of it properly: else, were it possible
both to keep it and to lay it out on his pleasure, this is what he would like.
But he that spends his money on fit objects, this is the man of high soul:
for it is truly a high soul, that which is not in slavery to passion, which
accounts money to be nothing. Again, economy is a good thing: for thus that
will be the best manager, who spends in a proper manner, and not at random
without management. But parsimony is not the same thing with this. For the
former(1) indeed, not even when an urgent necessity demands, touches the principal
of his money: but the latter will be brother to the former. Wells then, we
will put together the man of great soul, and the prudent economist, as also
the prodigal and the mean man: for both of these are thus affected from littleness
of soul, as those others are (from the opposite). Let us not then call him
high-souled, who simply spends, but him who spends aright: nor let us call
the economical manager mean and parsimonious, but him who is unseasonably sparing
of his money. What a quantity of wealth that rich man spent, "who was
clothed in purple and fine linen?" (Luke xvi. 19.) But he was not high-souled:
for his soul was possessed by an unmerciful disposition and by numberless lusts:
how then should it be great? Abraham had a great soul, spending as he did for
the reception of his guests, killing the calf, and, where need was, not only
not sparing his property, but not even his life. If then we see a person having
his sumptuous table, having his harlots and his parasites, let us not call
him a man of a great mind, but a man of an exceedingly little mind. For see
how many passions he is enslaved and subject to--gluttony, inordinate pleasure,
flattery: but him who is possessed by so many, and cannot even escape one of
them, how can any one call magnanimous? Nay, then most of all let us call him
little-minded, when he spends the most: for the more he spends, the more does
he show the tyranny of those passions: for had they not excessively got the
mastery over him, be would not have spent to excess. Again, if we see a person,
giving nothing to such people as these, but feeding the poor, and succoring
those in need, himself keeping a mean table--him let us call an exceedingly
high-souled man: for it is truly a mark of a great soul, to despise one's own
comfort, but to care for that of others. For tell me, if you should see a person
despising all tyrants, and holding their commands of no account, but rescuing
from their tyranny those who are oppressed and evil entreated; would you not
think this a great man? So let us account of the man in this case also. The
passions are the tyrant: if then we despise them, we shall be great: but if
we rescue others also from them, we shall be far greater, as being sufficient
not only for ourselves, but for others also. But if any one, at a tyrant's
bidding, beat some other of his subjects, is this greatness of soul? No, indeed:
but the extreme of slavery, in proportion as he is great. And now also there
is set before us<greek>trokeitai</greek>) a soul that is a noble
one and a free: but this the prodigal has ordered to be beaten by his passions:
the man then that beats himself, shall we call high-souled? By no means. Well
then * *, but let us see what is greatness of soul, and what prodigality; what
is economy, and what meanness; what is gentleness, and (what) dulness and cowardice;
what boldness, and what forwardness: that having distinguished these things
from each other, we may be enabled to passthis life) well-pleasing to the Lord,
and to attain unto the good things promised, through the grace and mercy of
our Lord Jesus Christ, to Whom be the glory for ever and ever. Amen.
HOMILY XLIX.(1)
ACTS. XXIII. 6-8.
"But
when Paul perceived that the one part were Sadducees, and the other Pharisees,
he cried out in
the
council, Men and brethren, I am a Pharisee,
the son of a Pharisee: of the hope and resurrection of the dead I am called
in question. And when he had so said, there arose a dissension between the
Pharisees and the Sadducees: and the multitude was divided. For the Sadducees
say that there is no resurrection, neither angel, nor spirit: but the Pharisees
confess both."
AGAIN
he discourses simply as man, and he does not on all occasions alike enjoy
the benefit of supernatural
aid. "I am a Pharisee, the son of a
Pharisee:"(2) both in this, and in what comes after it, he wished to divide
the multitude, which had an evil unanimity against him. And he does not speak
a falsehood here either: for he was a Pharisee by descent from his ancestors. "Of
the hope and resurrection of the dead I am called in question." For since
they would not say for what reason they arraigned him, he is compelled therefore
to declare it himself. "But the Pharisees," it says, "confess
both." And yet there are three things: how then does he say both? "Spirit
and Angel" is put as one.(3) When he is on their side, then they plead
for him. "And there arose a great cry: and the scribes that were of the
Pharisees' part arose, and strove, saying, We find no evil in this man: but"what) "if
a spirit has spoken to him, or an angel?"(4)(*) (v. 9.) Why did they not
plead for him before this? Do you observe, how, when the passions give way,
the truth is discovered? Where is the crime, say they, if an angel has spoken
to him, or a spirit? Paul gives them no handle against him. "And when
there arose a great dissension, the tribune, fearing lest Paul should have
been pulled in pieces of them, commanded the soldiers to go down, and to take
him by force from among them, and to bring him into the castle." (v. 10.)
The tribune is afraid of his being pulled in pieces, now that he has said that
he is a Roman: and the matter was not without danger. Do you observe that Paul
had a right to profess himself a Roman? Else, neither would (the tribune) have
been afraid now. So it remains that the soldiers must bear him off by force.
But when the wretches saw all to be without avail, they take the whole matter
into their own hands, as they would fain have done before, but were prevented:
and their wickedness stops nowhere, though it received so many checks: and
yet how many things were providentially ordered, on purpose that they might
settle down from their rage, and learn those things through which they might
possibly recover themselves! But none the less do they set upon him. Sufficient
for proof of his innocence was even this, that the man was saved when at the
point to be pulled in pieces, and that with these so great dangers about him,
he escaped them all. "And the night following the Lord stood by him, and
said, Be of good cheer, Paul: for as thou hast testified of Me in Jerusalem,
so must thou bear witness also at Rome. And when it was day, certain of the
Jews banded together, and bound themselves under a curse, saying that they
would neither eat nor drink till they had killed Paul. And they were more than
forty which had made this conspiracy." (v. 11-13.) "They bound themselves
under a curse," it says. See how vehement and revengeful they are in their
malice l What means, "bound under a curse?"(1) Why then those men
are accused forever, seeing they did not kill Paul. And forty together. For
such is the nature of that nation: when there needs concerting together for
a good object, not even two concur with each other: but when it is for an evil
object, the entire people does it. And they admit the rulers also as accomplices. "And
they came to the chief priests and elders, and said, We have bound ourselves
under a great curse that we will eat nothing until we have slain Paul. Now
therefore ye with the council signify to the tribune that he bring him down
unto you to-morrow, as though ye would enquire something more perfectly concerning
him: and we, or ever he come near, are ready to kill him. And when Paul's sister's
son heard of their lying in wait, he went and entered into the castle, and
told Paul. Then Paul called one of the centurions unto him, and said, Bring
this young man unto the tribune: For he hath a certain thing to tell him. So
he took him, and brought him to the tribune, and said, Paul the prisoner called
me unto him, and prayed me to bring this young man unto thee, who hath something
to say unto thee. Then the tribune took him by the hand, anti went with him
aside privately, and asked him, What is that thou hast to tell me? And he said,
the Jews have agreed to desire thee that thou wouldest bring down Paul to-morrow
into the council, as though they would enquire somewhat of him more perfectly.
But do not thou yield unto them for there lie in wait for him of them more
than forty men, which have bound themselves with an oath, that they will neither
eat nor drink till they have killed him: and now are they ready, looking for
a promise from thee. So the tribune then let the young man depart, and charged
him, See thou tell no man that thou hast showed these things to me." (v.
14-22). Again he is saved by man's forethought. And observe: Paul lets no man
learn this, not even the centurion, that the matter might not become known.
And the centurion having come, reported to the tribune. And it is well done
of the tribune also, that he bids him keep it secret, that it might not become
known: moreover he gives his orders to the centurions only, at the time when
the thing was to be done: and so Paul is sent into Caesarea, that there too
he might discourse in a greater theatre and before a more splendid audience:
that so the Jews may not be able to say, "If we had seen Paul, we would
have believed--if we had heard him teaching." Therefore this excuse too
is cut off from them. "And the Lord," it said, "stood by him,
and said, Be of good cheer: for as thou hast testified of Me in Jerusalem,
so must thou bear witness also at Rome." (Yet) even after He has appeared
to him, He again suffers him to be saved by man's means. And one may well be
astonished at Paul;(2) he i was not taken aback, neither said, "Why, what
is this? Have I then been deceived by Christ?" but he believed: yet, because
he believed, he did not therefore sleep: no; what was in his own power by means
of human wisdom, he did not abandon. "Bound themselves by a curse:" it
was a kind of necessity that those men fastened on themselves by the curse. "That
they would neither eat nor drink." Behold fasting the mother of murder!
Just as Herod imposed on himself that necessity by his oath, so also do these.
For such are the devil's (ways): under the pretext forsooth of piety he sets
his traps. "And they came to the chief priests," etc. And yet they
ought to have come (to the tribune), ought to have laid a charge, and assembled
a court of justice: for these are not the doings for priests, but for captains
of banditti, these are not the doings for rulers, but for ruffians. They endeavor
also to corrupt the ruler: but it was providentially ordered, to the intent
that he also should learn of their plot. For not (only) by their having nothing
to say, but also by their secret attempt, they convicted themselves that they
were naught. It is likely too that after (Paul was gone) the chief priests
came to (the tribune) making their request, and were put to shame. For(3) of
course he would not have liked either to deny or to grant their request. How
came he to believe (the young man's tale)? He did so in consequence of what
had already taken place; because it was likely they would do this also. And
observe their wickedness: they as good as laid a necessity on the chief priests
also: for if they undertook so great a thing themselves, and engaged themselves
in the whole risk, much more ought those to do thus much. Do you observe, how
Paul is held innocent by those that are without, as was also Christ by Pilate?
See their malice brought to naught: they delivered him up, to kill and condemn
him: but the result is just the contrary; he is both saved, and held innocent.
For had it not been so,(1) he would have been pulled in pieces: had it not
been so, he would have perished, he would have been condemned. And not only
does the tribune) rescue him from the rush (made upon him), but also from much
other(2) (violence): see how he becomes a minister to him, insomuch that without
risk he is carried off safe with so large a force. "And he called unto
him two centurions, saying, Make ready two hundred soldiers to go to Caesarea,
and horsemen threescore and ten, and spearmen two hundred, at the third hour
of the night; and provide them beasts, that they may set Paul on, and bring
him safe unto Felix the governor. And he wrote a letter after this manner:
Claudius Lysias unto the most excellent governor Felix sendeth greeting. This
man was taken of the Jews, and should have been killed of them: then came I
with an army, and rescued him, having understood that he was a Roman. And when
I would have known the cause wherefore they accused him, I brought him forth
into their council: whom I perceived to be accused of questions of their law,
but to have nothing laid to his charge worthy of death or of bonds. And when
it was told me how that the Jews laid wait for the man, I sent straightway
to thee, and gave commandment to his accusers also to say before thee what
they had against him. Fare ye well." (v. 23-30). See how the letter speaks
for him as a defence--for it says, "I found nothing worthy of death," but
as accusation against them (rather) than against him. "About to have been
killed of them:" so set upon his death were they. First, "I came
with the army, and rescued him:" then also "I brought him down unto
them:" and not even so did they find anything to lay to his charge: and
when they ought to have been stricken with fear and shame for the former act,
they again attempt to kill him, insomuch that again his cause became all the
more clear. "And his accusers," he says, "I have sent unto thee:" that
at the tribunal where these things are more strictly examined, he may be proved
guiltless.
(Recapitulation.)
Let us look then to what has been said above. "I," he
says, "am a Pharisee:" then, that he may not seem to pay court, he
adds, "Of the hope and resurrection of the dead it is, that I am called
in question." (v. 6.) From this charge and calumny he commends himself. "For
the Sadducees indeed," etc. The Sadducees have no knowledge of anything
incorporeal, perhaps not even God; so gross (<greek>pakeis</greek>)
are they: whence neither do they choose to believe that there is a Resurrection. "And
the scribes," etc. Look; the tribune also hears that the Pharisees have
acquitted him of the charges, and have given sentence (Mss. and Edd. <greek>eyhfisato</greek>, "he
gave sentence") in his favor, and with greater confidence carries him
off by force. Moreover all that was spoken (by Paul) was full of right-mindedness
(<greek>filosofias</greek>). "And the night following the
Lord stood by him," etc. See what strong consolation! First he praises
him, "As thou hast testified to My cause in Jerusalem;" then He does
not leave him to be afraid for the uncertain issue of his journey to Rome:
for thither also, He saith, thou shalt not depart alone (<greek>monos</greek>),
Cat. and Edd. <greek>monon</greek>), but thou shalt also have all
this boldness of speech. Hereby it was made manifest, not (only) that he should
be saved, but that (he should be so) in order to great crowns in the great
city. But why did He not appear to him before he fell into the danger? Because
it is evermore in the afflictions that God comforts us; for He appears more
wished-for, while even in the dangers He exercises and trains us. Besides,
he was then at ease, when free from bonds; but now great perils were awaiting
him. "We have bound ourselves," they say, "under a curse, that
we will not eat nor drink." (v. 14.) What is all this zeal? "That
he may bring him down," it says, "unto you, as though ye would enquire
into his case more perfectly." (v. 15.) Has he not twice made a speech
unto you? has he not said that he is a Pharisee? What (would ye have) over
and above this? So reckless were they and afraid of nothing, not tribunals,
not laws: such their hardihood which shrunk from nothing. They both declare
their purpose, and announce the way of carrying it into effect. "Paul's
sister's son heard of it." (v. 16.) This was of God's providence, their
not perceiving that it would be heard. What then did Paul? he was not alarmed,
but perceived that this was God's doing: and casting all upon Him, so he acquits
himself (from further concern about it:) "having called one of the centurions," etc.
(v. 17.) He told of the plot, he was believed; he is saved. If he was acquitted
of the charge, why did (the tribune) send the accusers? That the enquiry might
be more strict: that the man might be the more entirely cleared.
Such are God's ways of ordering: the very things by which we are hurt, by
these same are we benefited. Thus it was with Joseph: his mistress sought to
ruin him: and she seemed indeed to be contriving his ruin, but by her contriving
she placed him in a state of safety: for the house where that wild beast (of
a woman) was kept was a den in comparison with which the prison was gentle.
(Gen. xxxix. 1-20.) For while he was there, although he was looked up to and
courted, he was in constant fear, test his mistress should set upon him, and
worse than any prison was the fear that lay upon him: but after the accusation
he was in security and peace, well rid of that beast, of her lewdness and her
machinations for his destruction: for it was better for him to keep company
with human creatures in miserable plight, than with a maddened misstress. Here
he comforted himself, that for chastity's sake he had fallen into it: there
he had been in dread, lest he should receive a death-blow to his soul: for
nothing in the world is more annoying than a woman in love can be to a young
man who will not (meet her advances): nothing more detestable (than a woman
in such case), nothing more fell: all the bonds in the world are light to this.
So that the fact was not that he got into prison, but that he got out of prison.
She made his master his foe, but she made God his friend: brought him into
closer relation to Him Who is indeed the true Master; she cast him out of his
stewardship in the family, but made him a familiar friend to that Master. Again,
his brethren sold him (Gen. xxxvii. 18); but they freed him from having enemies
dwelling in the same house with him, from envy and much ill will, and from
daily machinations for his ruin: they placed him far aloof from them that hated
him. For what can be worse than this, to be compelled to dwell in the same
house with brethren that envy one; to be an object of suspicion, to be a mark
for evil designs? So that while they and she were severally seeking to compass
their own ends, far other were the mighty consequences working out by the Providence
of God for that just man. When he was in honor, then was he in danger; when
he was in dishonor, then was he in safety. The eunuchs did not remember him,
and right well it was that they did not, that the occasion of his deliverance
might be more glorious: that the whole might be ascribed, not to man's favor,
but to God's Providence (Gen. xl. 23): that at the right moment, Pharaoh, reduced
to need, might bring him out; that not as conferring but as receiving a benefit,
the king might release him from the prison. (ib. xli. 40.) It behooved to be
no servile gift, but that the king should be reduced to a necessity of doing
this: it behooved that it should be made manifest what wisdom was in him. Therefore
it is that the eunuch forgets him, that Egypt might not forget him, that the
king might not be ignorant of him. Had he been delivered at that time, it is
likely he would have desired to depart to his own country: therefore he is
kept back by numberless constraints, first by subjection to a master, secondly
by being in prison, thirdly by being over the kingdom, to the end that all
this might be brought about by the Providence of God. Like a spirited steed
that is eager to bound off to his fellows, did God keep him back there, for
causes full of glory. For that he longed to see his father, and free him from
his distress, is evident from his calling him thither. (Gen. xlv. 9.)
Shall
we look at other instances of evil designing, how they turn out to our good,
not only by having
their
reward, but also by their working at the very
time precisely what is for our good? This (Joseph's) uncle (Esau) had ill designs
against his father (Jacob), and drove him out of his native land: what then?
(Gen. xxvii. 41.) He too set him (thereby) aloof from the danger; for he too
got (thereby) to be in safety. He made him a wiser and a better man (<greek>filosofwteron</greek>);
he was the means of his having that dream (Gen. xxviii. 12.) But, you will
say, he was a slave in a foreign land? Yes, but he arrives among his own kindred,
and receives a bride, and appears worthy to his father-in-law. (ib. xxix. 23.)
But he too cheated him? Yes, but this also turned out to his good, that he
might be the father of many children. But it was in his mind to design evil
against him? True, but even this was for his good, that he might thereupon
return to his own country; for if he had been in good circumstances, he would
not have so longed for home. But he defrauded him of his hire? Aye, but he
got more by the means. (ib. xxxi. 7.) Thus, in every point of these men's history,
the more people designed their hurt, the more their affairs flourished. If
(Jacob) had not received the elder daughter, he would not soon have been the.
father of so many children; he would have dragged out a long period in childlessness,
he would have mourned as his wife did. For she indeed had reason to mourn,
as not having become a mother (ib. xxx. 1, 2.); but he had his consolation:
whence also he gives her a repulse. Again, had not (Laban) defrauded him of
his hire, he would not have longed to see his own country; the higher points
(<greek>filosofia</greek>) of the man's character would not have
come to light, (his wives) would not have become more closely attached to him.
For see what they say: "With devouring hath he devoured us and our money." (Gen.
xxxi. 15.) So that this became the means of riveting their love to him. After
this he had in them not merely wives, but (devoted) slaves; he was beloved
by them: a thing that no possession can equal: for nothing, nothing whatever,
is more precious than to be thus loved by a wife and to love her. "And
a wife," Scripture says, "that agrees with her husband." (Ecclus.
xxv. 1. "A man and a wife that agree together." E.V.) One thing this,
as the Wise Man puts it, of the things for which a man is to be counted happy;
for where this is, there all wealth, all prosperity abounds: as also, where
it is not, there all besides profits nothing, but all goes wrong, all is mere
unpleasantness and confusion. Then let us seek this before all things. He that
seeks money, seeks not this. Let us seek those things which can remain fixed.
Let us not seek a wife from among the rich, lest the excess of wealth on her
side produce arrogance, lest that arrogance be the means of marring all. See
you not what God did? how He put the woman in subjection? (Gen. iii. 16.) Why
art thou ungrateful, why without perception? The very benefit God has given
thee by nature, do not thou mar the help it was meant to be. So that it is
not for her wealth that we ought to seek a wife: it is that we may receive
a partner of our life, for the appointed order of the procreation of children.
It was not that she should bring money, that God gave the woman; it was that
she might be an helpmate. But she that brings money, becomes, instead of a
wife, a setter up of her own will (<greek>epiboulos</greek>), a
mistress--it may be a wild beast instead of a wife--while she thinks she has
a right to give herself airs upon her wealth. Nothing more shameful than a
man who lays himself out to get riches in this way. If wealth itself is full
of temptations, what shall we say to wealth so gotten? For you must not look
to this, that one or another as a rare and unusual case, and contrary to the
reason of the thing, has succeeded: as neither ought we in other matters to
fix our regards upon the good which people may enjoy, or their chance successes,
out of the common course: but let us look to the reason of the thing as it
is in itself, and see whether this thing be not fraught with endless annoyance.
Not only you bring yourself into a disreputable position; you also disgrace
your children by leaving them poor, if it chance that you depart this life
before the wife: and you give her incomparably more occasions for connecting
herself with a second bridegroom. Or do you not see that many women make this
the excuse for a second marriage--that they may not be despised; that they
want to have some man to take the management of their property? Then let us
not bring about so great evils for the sake of money; but let us dismiss all
(such aims), and seek a beautiful soul, that we may also succeed in obtaining
love. This is the exceeding wealth, this the great treasure, this the endless
good things: whereunto may we all attain by the grace and loving kindness of
our Lord Jesus Christ, with Whom to the Father and the Holy Ghost together
be glory, dominion, honor, now and ever, world without end. Amen.
HOMILY L.
ACTS XXIII. 31, 32, 33.
"Then
the soldiers, as it was commanded them, took Paul, and brought him by night
to Antipatris.
On
the morrow they left the horsemen to go with
him, and returned to the castle: who, when they came to Caesarea, and delivered
the epistle to the governor, presented Paul also before him."
LIKE some
king whom his body-guards escort, so did these convey Paul; in such numbers
too, and by
night, for
fear of the wrath of the people? Now then you
will say that they have got him out of the city, they desist from their violence?
No indeed. But (the tribune) would not have sent him off with such care for
his safety, but that while he himself had found nothing amiss in him, he knew
the murderous disposition of his adversaries. "And when the governor had
read the letter, he asked of what province he was. And when he understood that
he was of Cilicia; I will hear thee, said he, when thine accusers are also
come." Already Lysias has spoken for his exculpation; (but the Jews seek
to) gain the hearer beforehand. "And he ordered him to be kept in custody
in Herod's praetorium" (v. 34, 35): again Paul is put in bonds. "And
after five days came down the high priest Ananias with the elders." See
how for all this they do not desist; hindered as they were by obstacles without
number, nevertheless they come, only to be put to shame here also. "And
with an orator, one Tertullus."[1] And what need was there of "an
orator? Which (persons) also informed the governor against Paul." (c.
xxiv. I.) See how this man also from the very outset (b) with his praises seeks
to gain the judge beforehand. "And when he was called forth, Tertullus
began to accuse him, saying, Seeing that by thee we enjoy great quietness,
and that very worthy deeds are done unto this nation by thy providence, we
accept it always, and in all places, most noble Felix, with all thankfulness." (v.
2, 3.) Then as having much to say, he passes by the rest: "Notwithstanding,
that I be not further tedious unto thee, I pray thee that thou wouldest hear
us of thy clemency a few words. For we have found this man a pestilent fellow,
and a mover of sedition among all the Jews throughout the world." (a)
As a revolutionary and seditious person he wishes to deliver him up. And yet,
it might be answered, it is ye that have done this. (c) And see how he would
put up the judge to a desire of punishing, seeing he had here an opportunity
to coerce the man that turned the world upside down ! As if they had achieved
a meritorious action, they make much of it: "Having found this fellow," etc., "a
mover of sedition," say they, "among all the Jews throughout the
world." (Had he been such), they would have proclaimed him as a benefactor
and saviour of the nation ![2] "And a ringleader of the sect of the Nazarenes." (v.
4, 5.) They thought this likely to tell as a reproach--" of the Nazarenes
:" and by this also they seek to damage him--for Nazareth was a mean place.
And, "we have found him," say they: see how maliciously they calumniate
him: (found him), as if he had been always giving them the slip, and with difficulty
they had succeeded in getting him: though he had been seven days in the Temple
! "Who also hath gone about to profane the temple; whom we took, [and
would have judged according to our law."] (v. 6.) See how they insult
even the Law; it was so like the Law, forsooth, to beat, to kill, to lie in
wait! And then the accusation against Lysias: though he had no right, say they,
to interfere, in the excess of his confidence he snatched him from us: [" But
the tribune Lysias came upon us, and with great violence took him away out
of our hands, commanding his accusers to come unto thee] :[*] by examining
of whom thyself mayest take knowledge of all these things, where of we accuse
him. And the Jews also assented, saying that these things were so." (v.
7-9). What then says Paul? "Then Paul; after that the governor had beckoned
unto him to speak, answered, Forasmuch as I know that thou hast been of many
years a just judge unto this nation, I do the more cheerfully answer for myself." (v.
10,) This is not the language of flattery, his testifying to the judge's justice:[8]
no, the adulation was rather in that speech of the orator, "By thee we
enjoy great quietness." If so, then why are ye seditious? What Paul sought
was justice. "Knowing thee to be a just judge, I cheerfully," says
he, "answer for myself." Then also he enforces this by the length
of time: that (he had been judge) "of many years. Because that thou mayest
understand, that there are yet but twelve days since I went up to Jerusalem
for to worship." (v. 11.) And what is this?[4] (It means), "that
I could not immediately have raised a commotion." Because the accuser
had nothing to show (as done) in Jerusalem, observe what he said: "among
all the Jews throughout the world." Therefore it is that Paul here forcibly
attracts him--" to worship," he says, "I came up," so far
am I from raising sedition--and lays a stress upon this point of justices being
the strong point. "And they neither found me in the Temple disputing with
any man, neither raising up the people, neither in the synagogues, nor in the
city" (v. 12); which in fact was the truth. And the accusers indeed use
the term "ringleader," as if it were a case of fighting and insurrection;
but see how mildly Paul here answers. "But this I confess unto thee, that
after the way which they call heresy,[*] so worship I the God of my fathers,
believing all things which are written in the Law and the Prophets: and have
hope toward God, which they themselves also allow, that there shall be a resurrection
of the dead, both of the just and unjust." (v. 14, 15.) The accusers were
separating him (as an alien), but he indentifies himself with the Law, as one
of themselves. "And in this," says he, "do I exercise my self,
to have always a conscience void of offence toward God and toward men. Now
after many years I came to bring alms to my nation, and offerings. In which
they found me purified in the temple, not with multitude, neither with tumult." (v.
16, 17, 18.) Why then camest thou up? What brought thee hither? To worship,
says he; to do alms. This was not the act of a factious person. Then also he
casts out their person:[1] "but," says he, (they that found me, were) "certain
Jews from Asia, who ought to have been here before thee, and object, if they
had ought against me. Or else let these same here say, if they have found any
evil doing in me while I stood before the council, except it be for this one
voice, that I cried, standing among them, Touching the resurrection of the
dead I am called in question by you this day." (v. 19, 20, 21.) For this
is justification in superabundance, not to flee from his accusers, but to be
ready to give account to all. "Of the resurrection of the dead," says
he, "am I this day called in question." And not a word said he of
what he had to say, how they had conspired against him, had violently kept
him, had laid wait for him--for these matters are course spoken of by the tribune[2]--but
by Paul, though there was danger, not so: no, he is silent, and only defends
himself, though he had very much to say. (b) "In which"[8] (alms),
says he, "they found me in course of purifying in the Temple." Then
how did he profane it? For it was not the part of the same man both to purify
himself and worship and come for this purpose, and then to profane it. This
has with it a surmise of the justice of his cause, that he does not fall into
a long discourse. And he gratifies the judge, I suppose, by that also (namely,
by), making his defence compendious: (d) seeing that Tertullus before him did
make a long harangue. (f) And this too is a proof of mildness, that when one
has much to say, in order not to be troublesome one says but few words. (c)
But let us look again at what has been said.
(Recapitulation.) "Then the soldiers," etc. (v. 31-33.) (a) This
also made Paul famous in Caesarea, his coming with so large a force. --"But," says
Tertullus, 'that I be not further tedious," (e) showing that (Felix) does
find him tedious (<greek>egkoptetai</greek>): "I beseech thee," he
does not say, Hear the matter, but, "hear us of thy clemency." (ch.
xxiv. 4.) Probably it is to pay court, that he thus lays out his speech. (g) "For
having found this man, a pestilent fellow, and a mover of sedition among all
the Jews throughout the world" (v. 5): how then, it might be said, if
he did this elsewhere (and not here)? No, says he; among us also he has profaned
the Temple; "attempted," says he, "to profane it:" but
the how, he leaves untold. "Whom also we took." etc. "But the
tribune," etc. And while he thus exaggerates what relates to the tribune,[1]
see how he extenuates the part of the accusers themselves. "We took him," he
says, "and would have judged him according to our Law." (v. 6.) He
shows that it is a hardship to them that they have to come to foreign tribunals,
and that they would not have troubled him had not the tribune compelled them,
and that he, having no concern in the matter, had seized the man by force:
for in fact the wrongs done were against us, and with us the tribunal ought
to have been. For that this is the meaning, see what follows: "with great
violence" (v. 7), he says. For this conduct is violence. "From whom
thou mayest know." He neither dares to accuse him (the tribune)--for the
man Was indulgent (forsooth)--nor does he wholly pass it by. Then again, test
he should seem to be lying, he adduces Paul himself as his own accuser. "From
whom, by examining him, thou mayest take knowledge of all these things." (v.
8.) Next, as witnesses also of the things spoken, the accusers, the same persons
themselves both witnesses and accusers: "And the Jews also assented," etc.
(v. 9.) But Paul, "Forasmuch as I know that thou hast been of many years
a just judge." (v. 10.) Why then, he is no stranger or alien or revolutionary
person, seeing he had known the judge for many years. And he does well to add
the epithet "just,"[2] that he (Felix) might not look to the chief
priest, nor to the people, nor the accuser. See, how he did not let himself
be carried away into abuse, although there was strong provocation. "Believing," he
says, "that there will be a resurrection:" now a man who believed
a resurrection, would never have done such things--" which" (resurrection) "they
themselves also allow. (v. 15.) He does not say it of them, that they believe "all
things written in the Prophets :" it was he that believed them all, not
they: but how "all," it would require a long discourse to show. And
he nowhere makes mention of Christ. Here by saying, "Believing," he
does (virtually) introduce what relates to Christ; for the present he dwells
on the subject of the resurrection, which doctrine was common to them also,
and removed the suspicion of any sedition. And for the cause of his going up, "I
came," he says, "to bring alms to my nation and offerings." (v.
17.) How then should I have troubled those, for the bringing offerings to whom
I had come so long a journey? "Neither with multitude, nor with tumult." (v.
18.) Everywhere he does away the charge of sedition. And he also does well
to challenge his accusers who were from Asia, "Who ought to accuse before
thee," etc., but he does well also not to reject this either;[9] "or
else," says he, "let these same here say. Touching the resurrection
of the dead," etc. (v. 19, 20, 21): for in fact it was on this account
they were sore troubled from the first, because he preached the Resurrection.
This being proved, the things relating to Christ also were easily introduced,
that He was risen. "What evil doing," he says, "they found in
me. In the council (ch. iv. 2) he says: the examination not having taken place
in private. That these things which I say are true, those witness who bring
this charge against me. "Having," he says, "a conscience void
of offence both toward God, and toward men." (v. 16.) This is the perfection
of virtue, when even to men we give no handle against us, and are careful to
be void of offence with God. "That I cried," he says, "in the
council'." He also shows their violence.[4] They have it not to say, Thou
didst these things under the pretext of alms: for (it was) "not with multitude,
nor with tumult:" especially as upon enquiry made concerning this thing,
nothing further was found. Do you observe his moderation, though there were
dangers? do you observe how he keeps his tongue from evil-speaking, how he
seeks only one thing, to free himself from the charges against himself, not
that he may criminate them, except so far as he might be obliged to do so while
defending himself? Just as Christ also said: "I have not a devil, but
I honor My Father: but ye do dishonor Me." (John viii. 49.)
Let us
imitate him, since he also was an imitator of Christ. If he, with enemies,
who went even to
the length
of murder and slaughter, said nothing offensive
to them, what pardon shall we deserve, who in reviling and abuse become infuriated,
calling our enemies villains, detestable wretches? what pardon shall we deserve,
for having enemies at all? Hear you not, that to honor (another) is to honor
one's self? So it is: but we disgrace ourselves. You accuse (some one) that
he has abused you: then why do you bring yourself under the same accusation?
Why inflict a blow on yourself? Keep free from passion, keep unwounded: do
not, by wishing to smite another, bring the hurt upon yourself. What, is the
other tumult of our soul not enough for us, the tumult that is stirred up,
though there be none to stir it up--for example, its outrageous lusts, its
griefs and sorrows, and such like--but we must needs heap up a pile of others
also? And how, you will say, is it possible, when one is insulted and abused,
to bear this? And how is it nor possible, I ask? Is a wound got from words;
or do words inflict bruises on our bodies? Then where is the hurt to us? So
that, if we will, we can bear it. Let us lay down for ourselves a law not to
grieve, and we shall bear it: let us say to ourselves, "It is not from
enmity; it is from infirmity "--for it is indeed owing to an infirmity,
since, for proof that it comes not from enmity nor from malignity of disposition,
but from infirmity, the other also would fain have restrained (his anger),
although he had suffered numberless wrongs. If we only have this thought in
our minds, that it is from infirmity, we shall bear it, and while we forgive
the offending person, we shall try not to fall into it ourselves. For I ask
all you who are present: would ye have wished to be able to exercise such a
philosophic temper, as to bear with those who insult you?[1] I think so. Well,
then, he insulted unwillingly; he would rather not have done so, but he did
it, forced by his passion: refrain thyself. Do you not see (how it is with)
the demoniacs (in their fits)? Just then as it is with them, so with him: it
is not so much from enmity, as from infirmity (that he behaves as he does):
endure it. And as for us--it is not so much from the insults as they are in
themselves that we are moved, as from our own selves: else how is it that when
madmen offer us the same insults, we bear it? Again, if those who insult us
be our friends, in that case too we bear it: or also our superiors, in that
case also we bear it: how then is it not absurd, that in the case of these
three, friends, madmen, and superiors, we bear it, but where they are of the
same rank or our inferiors, we do not bear it? I have oftentimes said: It is
but an impulse of the moment, something that hurries us away on the sudden:
let us endure it for a little, and we shall bear the whole thing. The greater
the insults, the more weak the offender. Do you know when it behooves us to
grieve? When we have insulted another, and he keeps silence: for then he is
strong, and we weak: but if the contrary be the case, you must even rejoice:
you are crowned, you are proclaimed conqueror, without having even entered
into the contest, without having borne the annoyance of sun, and heat, and
dust, without having grappled with an antagonist and let him close with you;
nothing but a mere wish on your part, sitting or standing, and you have got
a mighty crown: a crown far greater than those (combatants earn): for to throw
an enemy standing to the encounter, is nothing like so great as to overcome
the darts of anger. You have conquered, without having even let him close with
you, you have thrown down the passion that was in you, have slain the beast
that was roused, have quelled the anger that was raging, like some excellent
herdsman. The fight was like to have been an intestine one, the war a civil
war. For, as those who sit down to besiege from without (endeavor to), embroil
(the besieged) in civil discords, and then overcome them; so he that insults,
unless he rouse the passion within us, will not be able to overcome us: unless
we kindle the flame in ourselves, he has no power. Let the spark of anger be
within us, so as to be ready for lighting at the right moment, not against
ourselves, nor so as to involve us in numberless evils. See ye not how the
fire in houses is kept apart, and not thrown about at random everywhere, neither
among straw, nor among the linen, nor just where it may chance, that so there
may not be danger, if a wind blow on it, of its kindling a flame: but whether
a maid-servant have a lamp, or the cook light a fire, there is many an injunction
given, not to do this in the draught of the wind, nor near a wooden panel,
nor in the night-time: but when the night has come on, we extinguish the fire,
fearing lest perchance while we are asleep and there is none to help, it set
fire, and burn us all. Let this also be done with regard to anger; let it not
be scattered everywhere up and down in our thoughts, but let it be in some
deep recess of the mind, that the wind arising from the words of him who is
opposing us may not easily reach to it, but that it receive the wind (which
is to rouse it) from ourselves, who know how to rouse it in due measure and
with safety. If it receive the wind from without, it knows no moderation; it
will set everything on fire: oftentimes when we are asleep this wind will come
upon it, and will burn up all. Let it therefore be with us (in safe keeping)
in such sort as only to kindle a light: for anger does kindle a light when
it is managed as it ought to be: and let us have torches against those who
wrong others, against the devil. Let not the spark lie anywhere as it may chance,
nor be thrown about; let us keep it safe under ashes: in lowly thoughts let
us keep it slumbering. We do not want it at all times, but when there is need
to subdue and to make tender, to mollify obduracy, and convict the soul. What
evils have angry and wrathful passions wrought ! And what makes it grievous
indeed is, that when we have parted asunder, we have no longer the power to
come together again, but we wait for others (to do this): each is ashamed,
and blushes to come back himself and reconcile the other. See, he is not ashamed
to part asunder and to be separated; no, he takes the lead as author of the
evil: but to come forward and patch that which is rent, this he is ashamed
to do: and the case is just the same, as if a man should not shrink from cutting
off a limb, but should be ashamed to join it together again. What sayest thou,
O man? Hast thou committed great injuries, and thyself been the cause of the
quarrel? Why, then, thou wouldest justly be the first to go and be reconciled,
as having thyself furnished the cause. But he did the wrong, he is the cause
of the enmity? Why then, for this reason also thou must do it, that men may
the more admire thee, that in addition to the former, thou mayest get the first
prize in the latter also: as thou wast not the cause of the enmity, so neither
of its being extended further. Perhaps also the other, as conscious within
himself of numberless evils, is ashamed and blushes. But he is haughty? On
this account above all, do not thou hesitate to run and meet him: for if the
ailment in him be twofold, both haughtiness and anger, in this thou hast mentioned
the very reason why thou oughtest to be the first to go to him, thou that art
the one in sound health, the one who is able to see: as for him, he is in darkness:
for such is anger and false pride. But do thou, who art free from these and
in sound health, go to him--thou the physician, go to the sick. Does any of
the physicians say, Because such an one is sick, I do not go to him? No, this
is the very reason above all why they do go, when they see that he is not able
to come to them. For of those who are able (to come) they think less, as of
persons not extremely ill, but not so of those who lie at home sick. Or are
not pride and anger, think you, worse than any illness? is not the one like
a sharp fever, the other like a body swollen with inflammation? Think what
a thing it is to have a fever and inflammation: go to him, extinguish the fire,
for by the grace of God thou canst: go, assuage the heat as it were with water. "But," you
will say, "how if he is only the more set up by my doing this very thing?" This
is nothing to thee: thou hast done thy part, let him take account for himself:
let not our conscience condemn us, that this thing happens in consequence of
any omission of what ought to have been done on our part. "In so doing," says
the Scripture, "thou shall heap coals of fire on his head." (Rom.
xii. 20, cf. Hom. in l. xxii. § 3.) And yet, for all that this is the
consequence, it bids us go and be reconciled and do good offices--not that
we may heap coals of fire, but that (our enemy) knowing that future consequence,[1]
may be assuaged by the present kindness, that he may tremble, that he may fear
our good offices rather than our hostilities, and our friendships rather than
our ill designs. For one does not so hurt his hater by showing his resentment
as an enemy, as by doing him good and showing kindness. For by his resentment,
he has hurt both himself and perhaps the other also in some little degree:
but by doing good offices, he has heaped coals of fire on his head. "Why
then," you will say, "for fear of thus heaping coals one ought not
to do this (b) but to carry on the enmity to greater lengths." By no means:
it is not you that cause this, but he with his brutish disposition. For if,
when you are doing him good, and honoring him, and offering to be reconciled,
he persists in keeping up the enmity, it is he has kindled the fire for himself,
he has set his own head on fire; you are guiltless. Do not want to be more
merciful than God (b), or rather, if you wish it, you will not be able, not
even in the least degree. How should you? "As far as the heaven is from
the earth," Scripture says, "so far are My counsels from your counsels" (Isa.
xlv. 8): and again, "If ye," He says, "being evil, know how
to give good gifts unto your children, how much more your heavenly Father" (Matt.
vii. 11)? But in fact this talk is mere pretext and subterfuge. Let us not
prevaricate with God's commandments. "And how do we prevaricate," you
will say? He has said, "In so doing, thou wilt heap coals of fire on his
head:" and you say, I do not like to do this. (a) But are you willing
to heap coals after another fashion, that is upon your own head? For in fact
this is what resentment does: (c) since you shall suffer evils without number.
(e) You say, "I am afraid for my enemy, be, cause he has done me great
injuries:" in reality is it this you say? But how came you to have an
enemy? But how came you to hate your enemy? You fear for him that has injured
you, but do you not fear yourself? Would that you had a care for yourself!
Do not act (the kindness) with such an aim as this: or rather do it, though
it be but with such an aim. But you do it not at all. I say not to you, "thou
wilt heap coals of fire:" no, I say another and a greater thing: only
do it. For Paul says this only by way of summoning thee (if only), in hope
of the vengeance, to put an end to the enmity. Because we are savage as wild
beasts in disposition, and would not otherwise endure to love our enemy, unless
we expected some revenge, he offers this as a cake, so to say, to a wild beast.
For to the Apostles (the Lord) says not this, but what says He? "That
ye may be like to your Father which is in heaven." (Matt. v. 45.) And
besides, it is not possible that the benefactor and the benefited should remain
in enmity. This is why Paul has put it in this way. 'Why, affecting a high
and generous principle in thy words, why in thy deeds dost thou not even observe
(common) moderation? (It sounds)well; thou dost not feed him, for fear of thereby
heaping upon him coals of fire: well then, thou sparest him? well then, thou
lovest him, thou actest with this object in view? God knows, whether thou hast
this object in so speaking, and are not[1] palming this talk upon us as a mere
pretence and subterfuge. Thou hast a care for thine enemy, thou fearest lest
he be punished, then would-est thou not have extinguished thine anger? For
he that loves to that degree that he overlooks his own interest for the sake
of the other's advantage, that man has no enemy. (Then indeed) thou mightest
say this. How long shall we trifle in matters that are not to be trifled with,
and that admit of no excuse? Wherefore I beseech you, let us cut off these
pretexts; let us not despise God's laws: that we may be enabled with well-pleasing
to the Lord to pass this life present, and attain unto the good things promised,
through the grace and mercy of our Lord Jesus Christ, with Whom to the Father
and the Holy Ghost together be glory, might, honor, now and ever, world without
end. Amen.
HOMILY LI.
ACTS XXIV. 22, 23.
"And
when Felix heard these things, having more perfect knowledge of that way,
he deferred them
and said,
When Lysias the tribune shall come down,
I will know the uttermost of your matter. And he commanded a centurion to keep
Paul, and to let him have liberty, and that he should forbid none of his acquaintance
to minister or come unto him."
SEE how
much close investigation is made by the many in a long course of time, that
it should not be said
that the trial was hurried over. For, as the orator
had made mention of Lysias, that he took "him away with violence, Felix," he
says, "deferred them. Having knowledge of that way:" that is, he
put them off on purpose: not because he wanted to learn, but as wishing to
get rid of the Jews. On their account, he did not like to let him go: to punish
him was not possible; that would have been (too) barefaced. "And to let
him have liberty,[*] and to forbid none of his acquaintance to minister to
him." So entirely did he too acquit him of the charges. Howbeit, to gratify
them, he detained him, and besides, expecting to receive money, he called for
Paul. "And after certain days, when Felix came with his wife Drusilla,
which was a Jewess, he sent for Paul, and heard him concerning the faith in
Christ. And as he reasoned of righteousness, temperance (i.e. self-control
or chastity), and judgment to come, Felix trembled, and answered, Go thy way
for this time; when I have a convenient season, I will call for thee. He hoped
also that money should have been given him of Paul, that he might loose him;
wherefore he sent for him the oftener, and communed with him. But after two
years Porcius Festus came into Felix's room: and Felix, willing to show the
Jews a pleasure, left Paul bound." (v. 24-27.) See how close to the truth
are the things written. But he sent for him- frequently, not that he admired
him, nor that he praised the things spoken, nor that he wished to believe,
but why? "Expecting," it says, "that money should have been
given him." Observe how he does not hide here the mind of the judge. "Wherefore
he sent for him," etc. And yet if he had condemned him, he would not have
done this, nor have wished to hear a man, condemned and of evil character.
And observe Paul, how, though reasoning with a ruler, he says nothing of the
sort that was likely to amuse and entertain, but (" he reasoned," it
says,) "of righteousness, and of the coming judgment," and of the
resurrection. And such was the force of his words, that they even terrified
the governor.[*] This man is succeeded in his office by another, and he leaves
Paul a prisoner: and yet he ought not to have done this; he ought to have put
an end to the business: but he leaves him, by way of gratifying them. They
however were so urgent, that they again besought the judge. Yet against none
of the Apostles had they set themselves thus pertinaciously; there, when they
had attacked, anon they desisted. So providentially is he removed from Jerusalem,
having to do with such wild beasts. And they nevertheless request that he might
be brought again there to be tried. "Now when Festus was come into the
province, after three days he ascended from Caesarea to Jerusalem. Then the
high priest and the chief of the Jews informed him against Paul, and besought
him, and desired favor against him, that he would send for him to Jerusalem,
laying wait in the way to kill him." (ch. xxv. 1-3.) Here now God's providence
interposed, not permitting the governor to do this: for it was natural that
he having just come to the government would wish to gratify them: but God suffered
him not. "But Festus answered, that Paul should be kept at Caesarea, and
that he himself would depart shortly thither. Let them therefore, said he,
which among you are able, go down with me, and accuse this man, if there be
any wickedness in him. And when he had tarried among them more than ten days,
he went down unto Caesarea; and the next day sitting on the judgment seat commanded
Paul to be brought." (v. 4-6.) But after they came down, they forthwith
made their accusations shamelessly and with more vehemence: and not having
been able to convict him on grounds relating to the Law, they again according
to their custom stirred the question about Caesar, being just what they did
in Christ's case. For that they had recourse to this is manifest by the fact,
that Paul defends himself on the score of offences against Caesar. "And
when he was come, the Jews which came down from Jerusalem stood round about,
and laid many and grievous complaints against Paul, which they could not prove.
While he answered for himself, Neither against the law of the Jews, neither
against the temple, nor yet against Caesar, have I offended anything at all.
But Festus, willing to do the Jews a pleasure, answered Paul, and said, Wilt
thou go up to Jerusalem, and there be judged of these things before me "?
(v. 7-9.) Wherefore he too gratifies the Jews, the whole people, and the city.
Such being the case, Paul terrifies him also, using a human weapon for his
defence. "Then said Paul, I stand at Caesar's judgment seat, where I ought
to be judged; to the Jews have I done no wrong, as thou very well knowest.
For if I be an offender, or have committed anything worthy of death, I refuse
not to die: but if there be none of these things whereof these accuse me, no
man may deliver me unto them. I appeal unto Caesar." (v. 10-11.) Some
one might say, How is it, that having been told, "Thou must also bear
witness of Me in Rome," (ch. xxiii. 11), he, as if unbelieving, did this?
God forbid: nay, he did it, because he so strongly believed. For it would have
been a tempting of God to be bold on account of that declaration, and to cast
himself into numberless dangers, and to say: "Let us see if God is able
even thus to deliver me." But not so does Paul; no, he does his part,
all that in him lies, committing the whole to God. Quietly also he reproves
the governor: for, "If, says he, I am an offender, thou doest well: but
if not, why dost thou give me up?" "No man," he says, "may
sacrifice me." He put him in fear, so that even if he wished, he could
not sacrifice him to them; while also as an excuse to them he had Paul's appeal
to allege. "Then Festus, when he had con-ferred with the council, answered,
Hast thou appealed unto Caesar? unto Caesar shalt thou go. And after certain
days king Agrippa and Bernice came unto Caesarea to salute Festus." (v.
12, 13.) Observe, he communicates the matter to Agrippa, so that there should
be other hearers once more, both the king, and the army, and Bernice. Thereupon
a speech in his exculpation. "And when they had been there many days,
Festus declared Paul's, cause unto the king, saying, There is a certain man
left in bonds by Felix: about whom, when I was at Jerusalem, the chief priests
and the elders of the Jews informed me, desiring to have judgment against him.
To whom I answered, It is not the manner of the Romans to deliver any man to
die, before that he which is accused have the accusers face to face, and have
license to answer for himself concerning the crime laid against him. Therefore,
when they were come hither, without any delay on the morrow I sat on the judgment
seat, and commanded the man to be brought forth. Against whom when the accusers
stood up, they brought none accusation of such things as I supposed: but had
certain questions against him of their own superstition, and of one Jesus,
which was dead, whom Paul affirmed to be alive. And because I doubted of such
manner of questions, I asked him whether be would go to Jerusalem, and there
be judged of these matters. But when Paul had appealed to be reserved unto
the hearing of Augustus, I commanded him to be kept till I might send him to
Caesar. Then Agrippa said unto Festus, I would also hear the man myself. To-morrow,
said he, thou shalt hear him." (v. 14-22.) And observe a crimination of
the Jews, not from Paul, but also from the governor. "Desiring," he
says, "to have judgment against him." To whom I said, to their shame,
that "it is not the manner of the Romans," before giving an opportunity
to speak for himself, "to sacrifice a man." But I did give him (such
opportunity), and I found no fault in him. "Because I doubted," says
he, of "such manner of questions: he casts a veil also over his own wrong.
Then the other desires to see him. (b) But let us look again at what has been
said.[1] (Recapitulation.) "And when Felix," etc. (v. 22.) Observe
on all occasions how the governors try to keep off from themselves the annoyance
of the Jews, and are often compelled to act contrary to justice, and seek pretexts
for deferring: for of course it was not from ignorance that he deferred the
cause, but knowing it. And his wife also hears, together with the governor.
(v. 24.) This seems to me to show great honor. For he would not have brought
his wife to be present with him at the hearing, but that be thought great things
of him. It seems to me that she also longed for this. And observe how Paul
immediately discourses not only about faith, nor about remission of sins, but
also about practical points of duty. "Go thy way," he says, "for
this time: when I have a convenient season, I will call for thee." (v.
25.) Observe his hardness of heart: hearing such things, "he hoped that
he should receive money from him !" (v. 26.) And not only so, but even
after conversing with him--for it was towards the end of his government--he
left him bound, "willing to show the Jews a pleasure" (v. 27): so
that he not only coveted money, but also glory. How, O wretch, canst thou look
for money from a man who preaches the contrary? But that he did not get it,
is evident from his leaving him bound; he would have loosed him, had he received
it. "Of temperance," it says, he reasoned; but the other was hankering
to receive money from him who discoursed these things! And to ask indeed he
did not dare: for such is wickedness: but he hoped it. "And when two years
were completed," etc., so that it was but natural that he showed them
a pleasure, as he had been so long governor there. "Now when Festus was
come into the province," etc. (ch. xxv. 1, 2.) At the very beginning,
the priests came to him, who would not have hesitated to go even to Caesarea,
unless he had been seen immediately coming up, since immediately on his arrival
they come to him. And he spends ten days? in order, I suppose, to be open to
those who wished to corrupt him with bribes. But Paul was in the prison. "They
besought him," it says, "that he would send for him:" why did
they desire it as a favor, if he was deserving of death? But thus their plotting
became evident even to him, so that discoursing of it (to Agrippa), he says, "desiring
to have judgment against him." They wanted to induce him to pass sentence
now immediately, being afraid of Paul's tongue. What are ye afraid of? What
are ye in such a hurry? In fact, that expression, "that he should be kept "[1]
(v. 4), shows this. Does he want to escape? "Let them therefore," he
says, "which among you are able, accuse him." (v. 5.) Again accusers,
again at Caesarea, again Paul is brought forth. And having come, immediately "he
sat on the judgment-seat" (v. 6); with all his haste: they so drove, so
hurried him. While as yet he had not got acquainted with the Jews, nor experienced
the honor paid to him by them, he answered rightly: but now that he had been
in Jerusalem ten days, he too wants to pleasure them (by sacrificing Paul to
them): then, also to deceive Paul, "Wilt thou," says he, "be
judged there of these things by me?" (v. 9.) I am not giving thee up to
them--but this was the fact--and he leaves the point to his own choice, that
by this mark of respect he might get him to yield: since his was the sentence,[2]
and it would have been too barefaced, when he had been convicted of nothing
here, to take him back thither. "But Paul said, At Caesar's tribunal am
I standing," etc. (v. 10): he did not say, I will not, lest he should
make the judge more vehement, but (here) again is his great boldness: They
cast me out once for all, themselves, and by this they think to condemn me,
by their showing that I have offended against Caesar: at his bar I choose to
be judged, at the bar of the injured person himself. "To the Jews have
I done no wrong, as thou also very well knowest." Here now he reproved
him, that he too wished to sacrifice him to the Jews: then, on the other hand,
he relaxes (the sternness of) his speech: "if then I be an offender, or
have committed anything worthy of death, I refuse not to die." I utter
sentence against myself. For along with boldness of speech there must be also
justness of cause, so as to abash (the hearer). "But if there be nothing
in the things whereof these accuse me, no man "--however he may wish it--"no
man may sacrifice me to please them." He said, not, I am not worthy of
death, nor, I am worthy to be acquitted, but, I am ready to take my trial before
Caesar. At the same time too, remembering the dream, he was the more confident
to appeal. (ch. xxiii. II.) And he said not, Thou (mayest not), but, neither
any other man may sacrifice me, that it might be no affront to him. "Then
Festus, when he had conferred with the council "--do you observe how he
seeks to gratify them? for this is favor --" having conferred," it
says, "with the council, he said, Hast thou appealed unto Caesar? unto
Caesar shall thou go." (v. 12.) See how his trial is again lengthened
out, and how the plot against him becomes an occasion for the preaching: so
that with ease and in safe custody he should be taken away to Rome,[3] with
none to plot evil against him: for it was not the same thing his simply coming
there, and his coming on such a cause. For, in fact this was what made the
Jews come together there. (ch. xxviii. 17.) Then again, some time passes while
he tarries at Jerusalem, that you may learn, that, though some time passed,
the evil design against him prevails nothing, God not permitting it. But this
king Agrippa, who was also a Herod, was a different Agrippa, after him of James'
time, so that this is the fourth (Herod). See how his enemies cooperate with
him against their will. To make the audience large, Agrippa falls into a desire
of hearing: and he does not simply hear, but with much parade. And see what
a vindication (<greek>apologian</greek>) ! So writes Festus,[4]
and the ruthlessness of the Jews is openly made a show of: for when it is the
governor that says these things, he is a witness above all suspicion: so that
the Jews are condemned by him also. For, when all had pronounced sentence against
them, then, and not sooner, God brings upon them the punishment. But observe:
Lysias gave it against them, Felix against them, Festus against them--although
he wished to gratify them[5]--Agrippa against them. What further? The Pharisees--even
they gave it against themselves. No evil, says Festus, "of such things
as I supposed: no accusation did they bring against him." (v. 18.) And
yet they did bring it: true, but they did not prove it: for their evil design
and daring plot against him gave cause to surmise this, but the examination
brought out nothing of the kind. "And of one Jesus," he says, "which
was dead." (v. 19.) He says naturally enough, "of one" (Jesus),
as being a man in office, and not caring for these things. "And not knowing,
for my part, what to make of the enquiry concerning these things" (v.
20)--of course, it went beyond a judge's hearing, the examining into these
matters. If thou art at a loss, why dost thou drag him to Jerusalem? But the
other would not deign this: no, "To Caesar" (says he); as in fact
it was touching Caesar that they accused him Do you hear the appeal? hear the
plotting of the Jews? hear their factious spirit? All these things provoked
him to a desire (of hearing him): and he gives them the gratification and Paul
becomes more renowned. For such as I said, are the ill designs (of enemies).
Had not these things been so, none of these rulers would have deigned to hear
him, none would have heard with such quietness and silence. And he seems indeed
to be teaching, he seems to be making a defence; but he rather makes a public
harangue with much orderliness. Then let